The role of demographic factors on religious beliefs: Evidence from five countries [version 1; peer review: awaiting peer review]

Background: Individuals' values, attitudes, and behaviours are significantly influenced by their religious beliefs. The present study examines the demographic factors (gender, age groups, religion, employment status, household income, marital status, self-perceived adulthood, and country of origin) that may influence religious beliefs. Methods: The data was collected from September to December 2022 using an online survey. A cross-sectional design was used to collect data from 885 respondents from five countries: Malaysia, the Philippines, China, Kenya, and Indonesia. The survey included questions on five variables related to religious belief: religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God. Respondents were asked to rate their level of agreement or disagreement with statements related to each variable on a Likert scale. T-tests and one-way ANOVA were used to analyze the data and


Introduction
Religious beliefs and practices are central to many people's lives, and frequently play an essential role in shaping communities and individual identities (Schmitz et al., 2020). Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam are among the world's largest and most widespread religions, and each has undergone significant changes and adaptations over time in response to social and cultural change (Yasin et al., 2020). Christianity has a long and complex history, with many changes occurring since its inception over 2,000 years ago (Crossley, 2008). While fundamental Christian beliefs, such as belief in Jesus Christ's divinity and redemption of humanity through His death and resurrection, have remained relatively unchanged (Bevins, 2019), different Christian denominations have developed different practices, rituals, and interpretations of the faith over time (Byaruhanga, 2015). The Catholic Church is one of the oldest and largest Christian denominations, and it has undergone significant changes and adaptations over the years (Lefebvre and Pérez-Agote, 2018). In response to modern-day challenges, the Catholic Church has taken more progressive positions on social justice, human rights, and environmental protection while still adhering to its core beliefs and traditions (Freston, 2016).
Buddhism, like all other religions, has undergone significant changes and adaptations over time. This religion began over 2,500 years ago in India and has since spread throughout Asia and beyond (Raj, 2022). Today, there are numerous Buddhist schools, each with its own beliefs, practices, and interpretations of the Buddha's teachings (Lee and Tang, 2021). Despite these differences, Buddhism's core beliefs, such as the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path, have remained unchanged and continue to guide the lives of millions of Buddhists worldwide (Mirola et al., 2022). Hinduism, like Buddhism, is an ancient religion that has evolved and changed significantly over time. This religion originated in ancient India and is distinguished by a diverse set of beliefs, practices, and rituals (Sengupta, 2021). Despite its complexity, Hinduism is united by a shared set of core beliefs, such as reincarnation, the existence of multiple gods and goddesses, and the ultimate goal of liberation from the cycle of rebirth (Chandratre and Soman, 2022). Hinduism has adapted and evolved in response to changing social and cultural conditions, developing new practices and interpretations of the faith while preserving its core beliefs and traditions.
Like Christianity, Islam has been around for over 1,400 years and has undergone many transformations. This religion is distinguished by its monotheistic beliefs, strict adherence to the Quran's teachings, and emphasis on the importance of good deeds and community service (Donner, 2010). Today, Islam is one of the world's fastest-growing religions, with a significant presence in many countries (Fardila et al., 2020). Islam has evolved significantly in response to shifting social and cultural conditions, with some communities adopting more progressive stances on issues like human rights, social justice, and gender equality. In contrast, other religions have kept to more traditional interpretations of the faith (Galloway, 2014). In sum, due to interaction with new cultural norms and values, religious tenets and observances are constantly changing and developing (Sosis, 2020). Various factors drive this process, including demographic shifts, technological advancements, and shifting cultural attitudes (Becker et al., 2021). While each religion has a distinct history and set of beliefs, they are all shaped by the same forces of change and are constantly evolving and adapting to meet the changing needs and demands of their communities. Despite these changes, these religions' core beliefs and practices have largely remained unchanged, and they continue to shape the lives and identities of millions of people worldwide.
Studies that examine how demographic factors such as age, gender, race, and ethnicity influence religious beliefs and practices are scarce. This scarcity is due in part to the difficulty of measuring and defining religious beliefs and practices (Jensen, 2021), and the complexities of investigating the impact of demographic factors on such a sensitive and culturally diverse subject. Future research in this area, however, has the potential to provide valuable insights into how demographic factors shape religious beliefs and how these beliefs, in turn, shape individual and societal outcomes. Religious beliefs significantly impact individuals' and communities' beliefs and values (Van Buren et al., 2020). Understanding the relationships between demographic factors are critical for gaining a better understanding of religious beliefs (Algahtani et al., 2021;Dein et al., 2020;Saeedi et al., 2022;Ulhaq et al., 2020;Yoo, 2022). Public policies, social program, and community initiatives aimed at fostering religious harmony and understanding can benefit from this data. Therefore, it is critical to research religious beliefs and practices in response to demographic factors to advance our understanding of this complex and multifaceted aspect of human life.

Demographic factors and religious beliefs Gender
Numerous studies on the relationship between gender and religion have yielded mixed results. According to one study by the University of California, Los Angeles, women have a stronger belief in God and higher levels of religious participation than men (Bryant, 2007). This finding is primarily due to traditional gender roles that place women in nurturing and caring roles, which can lead to a greater reliance on religious beliefs for comfort and support. Trzebiatowska and Bruce's (2012) study discovered that men are more likely to identify as religious leaders or hold positions of power within religious organizations. Other research has found that gender differences in religious beliefs and practices are not universal but rather are influenced by cultural and historical factors (Winkel, 2019). For example, a study conducted in Iran discovered that women play a more prominent role in religious practices than men because they are perceived to have a closer connection to God due to their maternal role (Betteridge, 2002).

Age
Research has shown that people's religious views shift over time, often due to personal experiences (Butėnaitė, 2019). Older adults are generally more committed to their religious beliefs than younger adults (Meza, 2020). This finding is frequently due to more time spent reflecting on their beliefs and developing a deeper understanding of their religion (Hayward and Krause, 2015). On the other hand, the relationship between age and religious beliefs is more complex. According to some research, as people age, some become more flexible and open to different religious perspectives, while others become more rigid in their beliefs (Schaie and Willis, 1991).

Countries
Religious beliefs vary significantly between countries and regions (Behere et al., 2013). The levels of religious belief in the various religions vary among the five nations of Malaysia, Indonesia, China, Kenya, and the Philippines. It is necessary to examine nation's demographics, cultural influences, and historical backgrounds to determine which religion tends to have the highest-level religious belief.
Indonesia and Malaysia are located in Southeast Asia, and they share many similarities because of their proximity in distance. Islam is the dominant religion in Malaysia and Indonesia, with most of the population identifying as Muslim (Amran et al., 2017;Lee et al., 2020). Approximately 61% of Malaysians identify as Muslim (Ng et al., 2020), with over 90% of the population identifying as Muslim in Indonesia (Lee et al., 2020). Despite the presence of diverse religions such as Christianity, Buddhism, and Hinduism in these countries, Islam significantly impacts the cultures of Indonesia and Malaysia because people of all religions are expected to adhere to specific Islamic rules. The high levels of religious belief in these countries can be attributed to various factors, including the influence of Islamic culture and tradition, and local communities' firm adherence to religious teachings and practices. Muslims, for example, are encouraged to attend the mosque regularly, observe religious holidays and rituals, and pray daily, all of which contribute to a strong sense of religious identity and belief (Hopkins et al., 2023).
Conversely, China is predominantly irreligious, with only 14% of the population adhering to religious beliefs (Yang and Huang, 2018). Nonetheless, religious freedom is guaranteed by the constitution. The laws protect individuals' right to believe in -or not believe in -any particular faith (Liang, 2021). It is often difficult to pinpoint what a Chinese person believes in religion. Some religions, such as Buddhism and Taoism, have deep roots in Chinese civilization (Luo and Chen, 2021). Because of China's polytheistic tradition, individuals or even believers may have blurred religious boundaries and worshipped both Buddhist and Taoist gods (Zhang and Lu, 2020;Chen, 2001). Apart from that, individuals who attend religious services may still see themselves as atheists as they do not perceive themselves as belonging to any particular religious institutions and never really associate their conduct with the term "religion". In their study in Taiwan (China), Zhang and Lin (1992) discovered that while 40% of survey participants claimed they did not believe in God, 70% participated in religious events and rituals such as god-worship. According to Marighella (2020), Chinese millennials may be unaffiliated with forms of religion but are engaging with Buddhism in their lives, not as a religious belief but as a spiritual and cultural journey through life under pressure caused by rapid changes.
Kenya is an East African country with the equator running through it. The country shares borders with five other countries: Uganda, Tanzania, Ethiopia, South Sudan, and Somalia. Kenya is governed by the 2010 Constitution, which recognizes the supremacy of the Almighty God and, along with other laws, prohibits religious discrimination and protects religious freedoms. Religion pervades every aspect of African society, with nearly all political, economic, and social activities bearing a religious overtone (Alwala, 2022). Christianity was introduced to Kenya in 1844 by missionaries who settled near Mombasa, and the country now has several Christian denominations (Gathogo, 2020). Islam, on the other hand, is Kenya's second most widely practiced religion (Iyer and Weeks, 2020). Kenyans identify culturally with their tribe or ethnic group, and most members of the same ethnic group share religious beliefs (Lynch, 2006). There are churches in almost every town and village in the country, and most towns have at least one mosque where people can worship. This situation demonstrates the impact and spread of Christianity in Kenya.
Religion is deeply ingrained in the culture and daily practices of many Filipinos in the Philippines. The Filipino people are the tenth most religious in the world, and nearly 87% place a high value on religion (Bagaoisan, 2016). This is because Spain exerted colonial rule over the country for three centuries during which time the dominant religion was Catholicism. The Philippines is one of only two Asian countries with a predominantly Catholic population (Hoh, 2018). Many Filipinos have long relied on various religious beliefs, practices, and attitudes to assist them in their daily lives or to help them cope with the difficulties and problems they face. Gonzalez (2009) stated that many people attend church and other religious events to live morally. Some people turn to religion for assistance, guidance, and miracles (Lagman et al., 2021). Pilgrimages, saints, and charismatic gatherings can also provide access to divine power (Brion et al., 2018). For example, it has become a tradition in many parts of the Philippines to celebrate patron saint feast days and Catholic holidays to celebrate bounty and protection, and to bring families and friends together. According to Bagaoisan (2016), many Filipinos use their religion to cope with issues and problems. When Filipinos have no other option but to turn to God, they usually say, "Ipagpasa-Diyos na natin," or "they turn over their situation to God" (Cariñgal et al., 2022).
In conclusion, religious beliefs vary significantly across countries, but Islam and Christianity are more prevalent in Malaysia, Indonesia, and Kenya, while Catholicism is the dominant religion in the Philippines. Religious beliefs are generally weaker in China, with many people viewing religion as a personal choice rather than a necessary part of their daily lives. Finally, the strength of religious beliefs is determined by a complex combination of cultural, historical, and personal factors that cannot be readily determined by looking at statistics.

Employment status and household income
Studies indicate that unemployed or underemployed people are more likely to have a stronger sense of religious beliefs (Christy et al., 2017). This could be because unemployment or underemployment can cause feelings of powerlessness, uncertainty, and existential anxiety, leading people to seek comfort and stability in religion (Zheng et al., 2020). On the other hand, those who are highly employed and have a higher income may be less likely to participate in religious activities and have a weaker sense of religious beliefs (Lipford and Tollison, 2003). This is because financial security and success can reduce the need for religious comfort and stability (Barber, 2013). Studies conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic revealed that Filipinos relied heavily on their religious beliefs as a means of coping. del Castillo et al. (2021) observed the practice of 'Dungaw', or the veneration of sacred images and placing them outside the window of a house or a church, as a coping strategy for difficulties. 'Dungaw' in Tagalog means 'to look' or 'to peep out', and in the context of religious belief, it is often used to describe the idea that saints or Jesus himself is watching over and protecting you from a house or window. Tanucan and Bojos (2021) also noted how Filipinos in slum areas use religion as a source of strength to survive the pandemic's hardships. It is important to note that these are general trends and that each person's experiences and beliefs are unique. However, these findings suggest that an individual's employment status and household income can significantly impact religious beliefs and behaviours.

Marital status
Although the effects vary depending on the individual and their cultural context, marital status can significantly impact religious beliefs. Marriage can increase religious involvement in some cases, as couples may attend religious services together and participate in faith-based activities (Kim and Dew, 2019). As partners support and encourage each other in their beliefs, this can form a shared religious identity (Alghafli et al., 2014). Nonetheless, there is evidence that marriage can have the opposite effect, leading to a decline in religious activity when spouses come from divergent religious backgrounds (Elmali-Karakaya, 2022). In these situations, the couple may compromise or take a more eclectic approach to their beliefs. Being single may impact on religious beliefs because one can have more time and freedom to explore different life perspectives or question their beliefs (Apostolou and Christoforou, 2022). Single people may be more likely to seek out supportive communities, including religious communities, to meet their social and spiritual needs (Himawan et al., 2018a(Himawan et al., , 2018b. Divorce can also significantly impact on religious beliefs because individuals may experience guilt, loss, and anger (Tuttle and Davis, 2015). To sum up, being married can profoundly affect religious beliefs, though these can be nuanced and unique to each individual. It is critical to consider the impact of various life events on our beliefs and be open to new perspectives and experiences.

Self-perceived adult status
Adulthood is a period in life when people develop a sense of self-identity, self-sufficiency, and personal responsibility (Arnett, 1998;lowe et al., 2013). Perceiving oneself as an adult can significantly impact religious beliefs. Adults are more likely to question their previous beliefs, develop new spiritual perspectives, and engage in various religious experiences (Levenson et al., 2005). Through this process, they may gain a better understanding of their own beliefs, which can shape their religious identity and influence their future religious beliefs. Adults are more confident in their decision-making and less susceptible to external influences, which can significantly impact their religious beliefs (Arnett and Jensen, 2002).
Individuals are more likely to make decisions as adults based on their own experiences and understanding of the world rather than blindly following their parents' or peers' beliefs and traditions (Barry and Nelson, 2005). Individuals may question the validity of their previous beliefs or embrace new ones that align more closely with their own values and experiences, which can lead to changes in religious beliefs. One way that seeing oneself as an adult can influence religious beliefs is by fostering greater independence from one's family or community (Bengtson, 2017).

Objectives
The purpose of the present research is to investigate the demographic factors (gender, age groups, religion, employment status, household income, marital status, self-perceived adulthood, and country of origin) that may influence the five variables of religious beliefs (religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God).

Ethical statement
The research was conducted following in accordance with the ethical principles outlined in the Helsinki Declaration. The research was conducted with the approval of the Scientific and Ethical Review Committee at INTI International University (ref no: INTI/UEC/2021/002). Written informed consent was obtained from all participants before taking part in the study.

Study design and participants
This study used a cross-sectional design and survey methods to investigate the relationship between demographic factors and religiosity variables such as religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God.
Respondents for the study came from Malaysia, the Philippines, China, Kenya, and Indonesia. The inclusive criteria for the study include being at least 18 years old and residing in one of the five countries, while the exclusive criteria are respondents under 18, those who do not live in the mentioned countries, those who do not provide informed consent, and those who do not complete the survey. Convenience sampling was used to collect data for the study, as respondents were selected based on their availability and willingness to participate. Co-authors who collected the data were trained to explain the study's purpose and confidentiality, and to respond to questions from respondents. To ensure objectivity and anonymity, the researchers contacted the co-authors to discuss questionnaire administration before data collection. Co-authors were also required to let participants know they could drop out of the study if they did not feel comfortable answering any questions or providing personal information. The sample size was determined based on the guidelines proposed by VanVoorhis and Morgan (2007), which recommend a sample size of at least 30 for each group being compared. The questionnaire was distributed in the local language of each country and was translated as needed. Completed questionnaires were collected via an online survey platform, and missing variables were managed through mean replacement (Hair et al., 2021). Anonymisation of participants was ensured by assigning unique identification numbers to each respondent and using them to link their responses to the data set.

Instruments
We adapted the religious belief questionnaires from Barry and Nelson (2005). The only adjustments implemented for the questionnaires were translations into Chinese and Indonesian, catering to participants originating from China and Indonesia, respectively. The English proficiency levels of citizens from Malaysia, Kenya, and the Philippines are relatively high, therefore participants from these countries were given the English version of the questionnaire. The questionnaire was initially translated from English to Chinese and then back-translated to English by three university lecturers proficient in English from Malaysia and China, ensuring consistency in content and terminology. The same process was applied to the Indonesian version of the questionnaire. The translation method employed aligns with the approach recommended by the World Health Organization for this purpose (WHO, 2020). Participants rated four items for religious culture on a scale of 'not at all important' (1) to 'very important' (4): 'Suppose someone wanted to know all about you, how important would it be for them to know about your religious beliefs?', 'How important is it to you to have friends with the same religious background as you?', 'How important is it to you to date people with the same religious beliefs as you?', and 'How important is it to you to marry someone who shares your religious beliefs?'. These items were highly correlated (r's ranging from.60 to.62, p < .01) and were combined to form an internally consistent composite (α = .87).
For religious practices, participants were asked to rate one item ('How important is it to you to attend religious services regularly?') on a scale of 'not at all important' (1) to 'very important' (4), and then another item ('How often do you attend religious services?') on a scale of from 'about once or twice a year or less' (1) to 'at least three or four times a month' (4).
The items were significantly correlated (r = .56, p < 0.01), so they were combined to form an internally consistent composite (α = .71). Participants rated religious certainty on a scale of 'very uncertain' (1) to 'very certain' (4). Participants rated the following two items for religious importance on a scale of 'not at all important' (1) to 'very important' (4):'How important are your religious beliefs to you?' and 'How important is religious faith in your daily life?'. The religious belief items were significantly correlated (r = .83, p < 0.01) and then averaged to form an internally consistent composite (α = .91).
Participants rated a single religious belief item on a scale of 'definitely do not believe this' (1) to 'definitely believe this' (4): 'To what extent do you believe that God or some higher power watches over you and guides your life?'

Data analysis
The data's normality was first examined by referring to skewness and kurtosis. Kim (2013) proposed that skewness 2 and kurtosis 7 be absolute values. The collected data were analyzed using the IBM SPSS Statistic version 25.0 program (https://www.ibm.com/spss). GNU PSPP (https://www.gnu.org/software/pspp/), a freely accessible software, is also able to run the same analysis undertaken in this study. The statistical significance level was set at p < 0.05. Means, standard deviations, and ranges of religiosity variables were used to describe descriptive data. The independent t-test and one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) were used to determine group differences in religious variables. In ANOVA, we test whether there is a significant difference between the means of three or more groups. If the F-test is significant, indicating that there is a significant difference between the group means, we use post-hoc tests like Tukey's Honestly Significant Difference (HSD) to determine which specific pairs of means are significantly different. Tukey's HSD test is used in ANOVA to provide additional information on where the significant differences between group means lie, allowing for more specific interpretations of the results. In addition, we defined household income as referring to the total incomes received (accumulated) by household members, whether in cash or in kind, that occur repeatedly within the reference period (within a year or more frequently). As household income is a specific measure and can vary widely within a country, and even within a particular region of a country, each co-author was advised to follow the latest government statistics guidelines from their own respective countries. For example, the most recent data on Malaysian household income is from the Department of Statistics' Household Income and Basic Amenities (HIS/BA) survey of 2019. This survey classifies Malaysian households into three income groups: Bottom 40% (B40; lower income), Middle 40% (M40; medium income), and Top 20% (T20; upper income). The B40 group consists of households with an income below RM4,850, while the M40 group includes households with an income ranging from RM4,851 to RM10,970. The T20 group represents households with an income exceeding RM10,970 (DOSM, 2020).

Participant characteristics
A total of 885 participants took part in this study. Of the 885 participants, 52.2% were female, and 47.8% were male; most participants were between 18 and 29 (58.5%). The majority of participants were Buddhist (28.1%), followed by Christians (20.9%), Roman Catholics (17.4%), Muslims (16.5%), Hindus (5.0%), atheists (1.5%), and those who preferred not to answer (10.6%). Regarding employment, 45.6% were full-time students, 44.9% were full-time employees, and 9.5% were others. Regarding household income, most respondents, (61.1%) had a medium income, followed by a lower income (29.6%), and 9.3% had an upper income. In terms of marital status, the majority were single (50.2%), followed by married (27.5%), in-relationship (15.6%), cohabiting (5.1%), and divorced (1.7%). 68.7% of the respondents perceived themselves to be adults. In terms of country of origin, the majority of respondents were from Malaysia (43.1%), followed by the Philippines (20.2%), China (13.9%), Kenya (12.9%), and finally, Indonesia (9.9%). Table 1 summarises the study's participants' characteristics. The complete dataset can be found in the underlying data (Wider, 2023). The level of religiosity variables The descriptive statistics and normality results for the religiosity variables are shown in Table 2. The skewness and kurtosis values were less than two, indicating that the normality assumption was met for all religious variables. Religious practice had the lowest mean score among the five religiosity variables, followed by religious culture and religious certainty. At the same time, respondents reported high religious importance and belief in God. The mean item scores on our questionnaire ranged from 2.73 to 3.17, with corresponding standard deviations ranging from 0.88 to 0.99. The mean scores indicated that respondents' religious beliefs were moderate.

The differences of religiosity variables based on gender
The t-test analysis in Table 3 revealed that female respondents rated higher than male respondents in all religious belief variables, including religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God.

The differences of religiosity variables based on age groups
The one-way ANOVA results in Table 4 revealed that only religious culture [F(2,882) = 6.98, p < 0.05] and religious practice [F(2,882) = 12.895, p < 0.01] differed across age groups. However, there were no age differences in religious certainty, religious importance, or belief in God. A post-hoc test using Tukey's HSD revealed that respondents aged 30-45 perceived a higher level of religious culture and practice than those aged 18-29. The differences of religiosity variables based on religions A post-hoc test using Tukey's HSD revealed that Islam groups rated themselves significantly higher than Buddha groups, and Atheist groups and preferred not to answer groups in all religiosity variables, including religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God. In terms of religious culture and practice, Christian Prefer not to answer 94 2.0638 1.09553 groups rated themselves higher than all other religions except Islam. On all religiosity variables, Roman Catholic groups rated themselves higher than Buddha groups. Hindu groups rated themselves higher than Atheist groups and preferred not to answer groups on all religious variables. Regarding religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God, Buddhist groups ranked higher than Atheist groups.

The differences of religiosity variables based on employment status
The one-way ANOVA results in Table 6 revealed that only religious practice [F(2,882) = 5.98, p < 0.05] and belief in God [F(2,882) = 4.60, p < 0.05] differed by employment status. However, there were no differences in religious certainty, religious culture, or religious importance based on employment status.
A post-hoc test using Tukey's HSD revealed that full-time students perceived themselves to have less religious practice than full-time employees and others. Meanwhile, other groups rated their belief in God as higher than the full-time employed groups.  A post-hoc test using Tukey's HSD revealed that lower-income groups rated themselves higher than middle-and upperincome groups on all religiosity variables, including religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God. Meanwhile, upper-income groups rated themselves lower on all religiosity variables than middle-income groups.

The differences of religiosity variables based on marital status
The one-way ANOVA results in Table 8  A post-hoc test using Tukey's HSD revealed that married groups rated themselves higher on religious culture and practice than single and in-relationship groups. Meanwhile, single people rated their belief in God higher than cohabiting people and married people. The differences of religiosity variables based on self-perceived adulthood status The t-test analysis in Table 9 revealed that respondents who perceived themselves adults rated higher religious culture and religious practice than respondents who perceived themselves not yet adults. In the meantime, there were no significant differences in religious certainty, religious importance, or belief in God based on perceived adulthood.
The differences of religiosity variables based on country of origin According to the results of the one-way ANOVA in   According to a post-hoc test using Tukey's HSD, respondents from Indonesia and Kenya perceived themselves to have higher religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God than respondents from the Philippines, Malaysia, and China. However, for all religiosity variables, there was no significant difference between respondents from Indonesia and Kenya. Furthermore, Chinese respondents scored the lowest in all religiosity variables.

Discussion
The primary goal of this study is to investigate the demographic factors that may influence religious beliefs, specifically religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God. Our findings show that respondents from Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, China, and Kenya have moderate levels of religiosity beliefs. Our findings revealed that female respondents have higher religious beliefs than male respondents in all five variables. Meanwhile, respondents aged 30-45 perceived a higher level of religious culture and practice than respondents aged 18-29. Furthermore, Islam groups rated themselves the highest in religiosity across religions, followed by Christian groups, Roman Catholic groups, and Hindu groups. In contrast, Buddhist and Atheist groups rated themselves the lowest, with 'prefer not to answer' groups in between. In terms of employment status, our findings revealed that full-time students rated themselves as having less religious practise than full-time employed and other groups, while other groups rated themselves as having more belief in God than full-time employed groups. Regarding household income, lower-income groups rated themselves more religious than middle-and upper-income groups. In terms of marital status, married groups rated themselves higher on religious culture and practice. In contrast, single groups rated themselves higher on belief in God than cohabiting and in-relationship groups. Respondents who perceived themselves as adults rated themselves higher in religious culture and practice. In terms of countries, Indonesian and Kenyan respondents perceive religiosity as being higher than respondents from the Philippines, Malaysia, and China. However, there is no significant difference between Indonesia and Kenya, with China scoring the lowest in all religiosity variables.
The low mean score of religious practice among respondents in the current study may be attributed to changing cultural and societal norms. People are becoming more secular in many modern societies, and their religious beliefs and practices are becoming less important to them (Jensen, 2021). This situation is especially true for younger generations growing up in a world where religion is no longer regarded as the dominant force it once was (Voas and Fleischmann, 2012). Many countries' growing diversity of cultures and religions can be attributed to the lower mean score for religious culture. People are becoming more exposed to various beliefs and practices, which may make them less likely to identify with a specific religious culture. The low mean score of religious certainty among respondents may reflect the increasing scepticism and critical thinking in modern societies. People are increasingly sceptical of religious claims and seek evidence and rational explanations for their religious beliefs. The high mean score for religious importance is frequently interpreted as a reflection of religion's continued relevance in people's lives. Despite the decline in religious practice and certainty, many people still regard religion as an essential part of their lives and plays a vital role in their identity, values, and worldview. The high mean score of respondents' belief in God may reflect religious belief's resilience in the face of declining religious practise and certainty. Despite the challenges posed by secularism and critical thinking, many people continue to believe in God.
According to our findings, females rate religious certainty, religious culture, religious importance, religious practice, and belief in God higher than males. This finding is mainly due to social and cultural factors that have traditionally shaped men's and women's roles in various societies. Traditionally, women have been encouraged to be more spiritual and less assertive, emphasizing nurturing, compassion, and community building (Wider et al., 2021). This has resulted in the formation of strong religious beliefs and a high level of participation in religious activities, as well as a stronger sense of connection to God.
According to our findings, respondents aged 30-45 rated religious culture and religious practice higher than respondents aged 18-29. This phenomenon is caused by differences in life and developmental stages between the two age groups. Those between the ages of 30 and 45 are in the established adulthood stage, in which they have reached a level of stability in their lives and are looking for meaning and purpose (Mehta et al., 2020). As religion provides a sense of grounding and security, this frequently increases religious culture and practice. Individuals aged 18-29, on the other hand, are in the emerging adulthood stage, where they are still exploring their identity and are more focused on personal growth and self-discovery (Arnett, 2015). This period of self-discovery may result in a decreased emphasis on religion as people seek answers from other sources. Furthermore, cultural and societal factors may play a role. People may be exposed to more traditional and conservative religious practices as they age, resulting in a greater adherence to religious norms. Furthermore, as individuals settle into family life and raise children, family and community pressure to maintain religious beliefs may increase. The link between adult self-perception and religious culture and practise stems from a desire for structure, support, and meaning in one's life. Adults can find comfort, stability, and a sense of community and purpose, through religious engagement. Religious culture and practice have long been viewed as fundamental components of adult life and identity, as they are frequently viewed as a means of finding meaning and purpose in their lives. Adults who consider themselves mature and responsible are more likely to engage in religious practices and identify with a religious culture because they need structure and order. Religious beliefs and practices frequently provide a moral code and a set of values that assist people in making decisions and navigating life's challenges. This sense of security and guidance is essential for many adults in a chaotic and unpredictable world. Religious activities also provide opportunities for social interaction and support, which can benefit those struggling to find a sense of belonging or connection in other areas of their lives.
Various cultural, social, and personal factors influence religious beliefs and practices. Our findings show that different religious groups rate their level of religiosity, emphasizing the diversity of religious expression and identification. Unsurprisingly, Muslim groups ranked highest, given Islam's emphasis on individual religious devotion and communal practice. Similarly, Christianity and Catholicism place a premium on religious practices and beliefs. Buddhism and Atheism, on the other hand, as well as groups that prefer not to respond, may place less emphasis on religious expression or have different interpretations of what it means to be religious. These findings imply that religious affiliation and expression are multifaceted and influenced by individual and group-level factors.
Being a full-time student can be a central part of one's identity, competing with or even superseding religious identity.
People's religious identities may become more visible as they advance in their careers or other roles. Full-time students are frequently younger and in a different stage of life than employed people and other groups, and these differences impact on religious beliefs and practices. Younger people may be in a period of exploration and questioning, which causes them to rate their religious practice lower. Older people, on the other hand, may have had more time to solidify their beliefs and a stronger sense of commitment, resulting in higher ratings of belief in God.
Several factors can be attributed to lower-income groups rating themselves as more religious than middle-and upperincome groups. Religion can provide comfort and hope to people facing difficult circumstances such as poverty, a lack of opportunities, and social inequalities. Religious beliefs and practices can provide stability and meaning for many people from lower-income groups, allowing them to cope with daily stress and challenges. Furthermore, lower-income groups are frequently more closely connected to their communities, including religious communities, which may contribute to their perceived religiosity. Religious communities can offer social support, a sense of belonging, and a common goal. Furthermore, these communities can provide practical assistance, such as food banks and housing programs, which can be especially helpful for those struggling to make ends meet. Finally, lower-income groups may see religion as a source of empowerment and a means to challenge established power structures. In the face of socioeconomic inequalities and discrimination, religion can allow many people to assert their beliefs, identities, and cultural heritage.
The difference in religious ratings between married and single groups may be due to societal norms and expectations surrounding marriage. Marriage is frequently regarded as a formal commitment, associated with religious and cultural traditions. As a result, married people may feel pressure to present themselves as more religious or to prioritize their religious practices. Single people, on the other hand, may not feel the same social pressure to conform to religious norms and thus feel freer to express their personal beliefs without the same level of social expectation. Individuals' higher belief in God may also reflect a more individualistic approach to spirituality and religion. Meanwhile, cohabiting and in-relationship groups may have different attitudes toward religion and spirituality than married and single groups because they do not see their relationships as formal commitments like married people do.
The complex interplay of cultural, historical, socioeconomic, and political factors can explain the different perceptions of religious beliefs among our study's respondents from different countries. For example, Indonesia and Kenya are predominantly Muslim and Christian, respectively, and these religions have deep roots in these countries' cultural and historical fabric. In contrast, the religious landscapes of the Philippines and Malaysia are more diverse, with a mix of Christian, Muslim, and indigenous beliefs. Due to this diversity, individuals may not identify as strongly with a particular religion, which may result in a lower overall perception of religiosity. Furthermore, socioeconomic factors can influence religious perceptions. Individuals may prioritize other aspects of life, such as education and career, over religion in countries such as China, where there has been a rapid modernization and secularization process. This shift in values and priorities may result in a negative perception of religiosity. It is also worth noting that each country's political and social context may influence religious perceptions. In some countries, for example, restrictions or limitations on expressing religious beliefs, may result in a lower overall perception of religiosity. Religious beliefs may be more openly displayed and incorporated into daily life in other countries, leading to a higher overall perception of religiosity.

Implications
This study proves that religiosity is a complex phenomenon influenced by various demographic factors. The study's findings show that gender, age, religion, employment status, household income, marital status, and self-perceived adult status all contribute to one's level of religiosity. The study's results imply that religious beliefs are influenced by more than just an individual's set of convictions and the quality of their spiritual experiences. The findings of this study have important practical implications for religious studies and religious communities. The study's findings, for example, suggest that religious communities should consider the demographic factors that influence religiosity when developing programmes and initiatives to engage people in religious activities. Religious communities may need to tailor their program to appeal to specific age or gender groups. Furthermore, religious communities may need to consider the impact of employment status and household income on religiosity in order to design programmes that are accessible and appealing to people from various socioeconomic backgrounds. Important implications for policymakers and governments can also be drawn from the study's finding. For example, governments may need to consider different demographic groups' religious attitudes and practices when policies affect religious communities. Governments may need to consider the impact of education and employment policies on religious practices and ensure that policies do not discriminate against specific religious groups.

Conclusions
This study provides important insights into the impact of demographic factors on religious beliefs, which can help guide future research in this area. However, there are some limitations to this study. This study is limited to the five countries chosen and may not reflect the religious beliefs of people in other countries. Because different countries and populations have different cultural and religious beliefs, the findings cannot be generalized. The sample size used in this study for each country may also be considered small and uneven, potentially leading to bias in the results. To obtain a clearer and more comprehensive picture of religiosity beliefs, future research should consider expanding the sample size and including a more diverse range of countries and religious beliefs. Qualitative methods, such as in-depth interviews or focus groups, can also provide a more in-depth understanding of the participants' religious beliefs and experiences. Overall, the findings of this study provide a preliminary understanding of the demographic factors that may influence religious beliefs in five different countries. Our results indicate that factors such as gender, age, religion, employment, household income, marital status, self-perceived adult status, and country of origin could influence religious beliefs. Further investigation is vital to examine religious beliefs' underlying mechanisms and patterns in various cultural and social contexts.
The project contains the following underlying data: • FULL DATA.sav (Raw data for the manuscript titled: The Role of Demographic Factors on Religious Beliefs: Evidence from 5 Countries).
This project contains the following extended data: • Questionnaire 1.docx (Blank English questionnaire for this study).
Data are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Zero "No rights reserved" data waiver (CC0 1.0 Public domain dedication).