This study took place in the municipality of Pasca, Cundinamarca, Colombia (see Figure 1). Pasca adjoins Bogotá (Province 20 Sumapaz) on the east, Sibaté and Soacha to the north, Fusagasugá to the west, and Arbeláez to the south, covering more than 264 km ² and elevations between 2,180 and 3,900 meters, with average temperatures from 8–15°C ( Fonseca Carreño, 2021).

Pasca is part of the broader Sumapaz province, a vital hydrological region through which the Sumapaz River flows ( Albarracín-Zaidiza et al., 2019). The regional economy is primarily rural and agricultural, focused on maintaining production/consumption balances for family sustenance ( Santacoloma-Varón, 2015), though recent years have seen emerging tourism and environmental services ( Bermúdez et al., 2017).

Within Pasca, 1,598.19 hectares fall under Sumapaz Natural Park protection, itself spanning over 210,000 hectares across Bogotá, Cundinamarca, Meta, and Huila ( Rivera Valderrama et al., 2018). Pasca also encompasses 11,422.79 hectares of Sumapaz–Cruz Verde Paramo, the world’s largest paramo and a region of immense biodiversity and water provision significance ( Daza Torres et al., 2014).

The research focused on peasant communities inside or contiguous to the paramo zone and National Natural Park. The study, illustrated in Figure 1, selected the villages of Costa Rica, Juan Viejo, and Quebradas.

Social cartography was essential in this research as a participatory and collaborative tool for interpreting territorial dynamics and constructing knowledge dialogs ( Ospina Mesa et al., 2021). Two participatory workshops were designed.

First Workshop: Engaged secondary school students (ages 10–15) from Costa Rica, Juan Viejo, and Quebradas. Participants self-identified by gender and worked in groups accordingly.

Second Workshop: Conducted at Costa Rica’s primary school, included both children and their parents, separated by gender into groups of girls and mothers, and boys and fathers (see Table 1).

Participation emphasized local voices over those of external facilitators, aiming for representation and inclusion as described by Barragán Giraldo et al. (2020).

The participatory approach was rooted in creative, playful, and collaborative engagement principles “creating while playing and co-producing collectively” ( Diez Tetamanti, 2018). Data collection through social cartography followed a carefully structured process, supported by a methodological guide that contained four primary stages (see Figure 2).

Stage One: Icebreaker Activity

A trust-building game was developed, bringing participants together in two concentric circles to share about themselves while passing a ball to music—a pedagogical didactic used to stimulate group confidence and collective work ( Tamayo Giraldo & Restrepo Soto, 2017).

Stage Two: Workshop Framing and Group Organization

Each participant was introduced, and the workshop’s research-driven goals (understanding territory and environmental issues) were explained ( Diez Tetamanti, 2018). Small group organization (max 8 per group) was prioritized to ensure active engagement ( Barragán Giraldo & Amador Báquiro, 2014). Details of composition by village and gender are found in Table 1.

Stage Three: Constructing “Our Map”

Participants, in groups, produced visual maps of their environment using diverse materials (cardboard, markers, magazines, etc.), guided by predefined prompts and adaptable questions ( Betancurth Loaiza et al., 2019). Table 2 presents the key guiding questions.

Stage Four: Group Presentations and Closure

The workshop closed with group presentations, where participants narratively explained their maps, including legends, symbols, and identified environmental problems. This phase fostered reflection, group validation, and knowledge exchange ( Diez Tetamanti & Rocha, 2016).

In this study, informed consent and assent for the participation of minors and their parents were obtained verbally. This methodological decision was made in response to the context of violence, the presence of illegal armed groups, and state repression affecting rural communities in the Sumapaz paramo. During the workshops, the research team presented the planned activities to the parents gathered at the school and requested written consent; however, the parents refused to sign any documents, instead granting their authorization verbally under the explicit condition that neither adults nor minors would be required to sign or provide any personal or identifying information.

This reservation is rooted in the climate of fear and insecurity caused by the assassination and persecution of social leaders in Colombia—with 170 cases reported in 2024 alone—as well as the risk of stigmatization or legal prosecution for traditional practices such as hunting, fishing, and wood extraction, which have been part of local livelihoods for over half a century but are now criminalized as environmental offenses. Therefore, verbal consent was an indispensable ethical condition to ensure the safety and informed participation of the peasant community, protecting their identities and rights throughout the research process.

Pasca’s peasants have long depended on potato farming and dairy cattle for survival—a pattern the participatory maps confirm. Locally, these activities are not widely regarded as environmentally destructive, but ecological literature identifies these as the principal forces reshaping paramo ecosystems ( Buytaert et al., 2006). Potato and cattle production occupy 10% of Colombia’s paramos, reducing native vegetation, biodiversity, and ecosystem functions, while chemical fertilizers/pesticides degrade land and water quality ( Farfán et al., 2020). Compaction from cattle, cultivation-induced exposure, and altered water retention compromise crucial hydrological services ( Cárdenas & Tobón, 2017; Díaz-Granados Ortiz et al., 2005).

While these practices sustain food production, they are entwined with social challenges—especially since most farming occurs on minifundios (smallholdings), restricting economic viability and contributing to poverty. Economic precarity forces many to rely on informal labor and contributes to a cycle of overexploitation, as intensified efforts are required to bolster fragile livelihoods in the face of absent state support ( Giraldo, 2008; Santacoloma-Varón, 2015).

Despite ecological costs, the importance of peasant food provisioning is unequivocal. High soil fertility, robust pollinator populations, and diverse flora support steady food output for local and regional markets—including urban centers like Bogotá ( Mena Vásconez, 2011; Silva Pérez, 2010). Yet, limited access to markets, technical support, and basic services sustains high levels of poverty and marginalization—reinforced by a historic lack of meaningful state intervention. ( Santacoloma-Varón, 2015).

Instead of demonizing rural people, the discussion points to the need for agroecological technical assistance, market access, and capacity building—enabling peasants to transition toward productive models that align food security with environmental sustainability ( Toledo et al., 2017).

A salient outcome from social cartography is the bifurcation of the territory as seen by residents: •

Productive Lands (Farms): Regarded as “owned” spaces, these produce economic subsistence but are not seen as part of the larger ecosystem.

This fragmentation provokes conflict and tension, as peasant communities often feel excluded from governance, their knowledge dismissed, and their needs marginalized ( Acevedo Tarazona & Correa Lugos, 2019; Méndez Polo, 2019). Instead, territorial governance is frequently characterized by top-down, non-participatory planning, where policies are imposed rather than negotiated or co-produced ( Garavito González et al., 2018).

Economic vulnerability shapes environmentally marginal practices: Protein deficiencies prompt hunting and fishing (rabbits, borugos, birds, trout), while wood extraction (for construction, repairs, or sale) supplements cash income. These activities occur within the context of extreme rural poverty—often less than $6 USD daily per family ( Avellaneda-Torres et al., 2014). Youth openly admit to subsistence activities often omitted by adults, likely reflecting adult awareness of the risk of sanctions and social stigma.

This study suggests four core interventions, requiring restored trust and co-governance between state and community actors: 1.

Agroecological Transition: Reduce reliance on pesticides/herbicides, diversify crops, rotate cultivation, and apply organic soil amendments.

State leadership is essential, but interventions must be designed, enacted, and monitored with active peasant participation—building legitimacy, credibility, and shared ownership. Recognizing territorial complexity, food insecurity, and rural hardship is key in designing policies that foster both conservation and community well-being.

The research obtained a favorable opinion from the Ethics, Bioethics, and Research Integrity Committee (CEBII) of the University of Cundinamarca, as stated in document MCTF054 (Evaluation by the Ethics, Bioethics, and Research Integrity Committee – CEBII), dated December 11, 2024 ( Herrera Luis, 2025). The Committee was formally informed that the study would obtain verbal consent only from participants. This authorization was granted in order to uphold the principles of human dignity and to safeguard the rights of individuals, as well as other living beings, involved in the research. For verification, the official ethical approval document is provided in the Extended Data.