A substantial body of scholarship has examined the multifaceted barriers that constrain adult participation in functional literacy programmes, with the literature consistently emphasising that such barriers are complex, interrelated, and deeply embedded within specific socio-economic contexts ( Yousif, 2017). Previous research converges on the understanding that barriers may be conceptualised as situational, institutional, dispositional, and informational, each operating at different yet overlapping levels of influence ( Amaro et al., 2021). It becomes evident that these barriers do not function in isolation but rather interact in ways that reinforce exclusion, particularly in rural and historically marginalised contexts such as those found in South Africa as noted by Mkhize (2023). More recently, the literature has extended this discussion to include the implications of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), highlighting new forms of exclusion linked to digital inequalities ( Vurayai, 2025).

Within the current state of knowledge, situational barriers are consistently identified as among the most immediate and pervasive constraints on adult participation. A range of studies conducted across sub-Saharan Africa point to poverty and financial insecurity as primary impediments to engagement in adult education ( Oxenham et al., 2002; Amaro et al., 2021). These authors collectively argue that adults living in conditions of economic precarity are often compelled to prioritise immediate survival needs over long-term educational investment. In a related vein, Yousif (2017) demonstrates how such competing demands frequently lead to irregular attendance patterns and, ultimately, programme dropout. In the South African rural context, these economic constraints are further compounded by structural challenges related to access and mobility. Rakoma and Schulze (2015), in their investigation, highlight that many learners are required to travel long distances often on foot to reach Community Learning Centres, with transport costs posing a significant burden for unemployed or low-income adults. More recent empirical evidence presented by Messerer, Becker and Baumert (2023) confirms that transport-related challenges remain a persistent barrier, with both the financial cost and time required for travel undermining consistent participation.

The literature further demonstrates that situational barriers are not limited to economic constraints but are also shaped by social and cultural dynamics, particularly in relation to domestic responsibilities. A number of scholars have drawn attention to the gendered nature of these constraints, noting that women in rural South African communities often bear primary responsibility for childcare and household management ( Nkosi, 2014; Mkhize, 2023). In their study, Rakoma and Schulze (2015) argue that the absence of childcare facilities at learning centres exacerbates this challenge, effectively forcing women to choose between educational participation and familial obligations. Extending this analysis, Teslim (2024) introduces the temporal dimension of situational barriers, demonstrating how seasonal agricultural cycles disrupt participation, particularly during planting and harvesting periods when labour demands are at their peak. Taken together, these studies illustrate how situational barriers are deeply rooted in the everyday lived realities of adult learners and are shaped by broader socio-economic and cultural structures.

Beyond these contextual constraints, the literature also foregrounds the role of institutional barriers in shaping participation outcomes. Institutional barriers are understood to arise from the organisation, structure, and delivery of adult education programmes themselves. A growing body of research on South Africa’s Community Education and Training (CET) sector identifies significant infrastructural deficits, particularly in rural Community Learning Centres (CLCs), where inadequate facilities, a lack of learning materials, and poor maintenance conditions undermine effective programme delivery ( Modise, 2023; Kagiso Trust, 2025). These findings reflect broader systemic inequalities within the education system and point to the persistent marginalisation of adult education in resource allocation.

Closely linked to infrastructural concerns is the issue of curriculum relevance, which remains a persistent theme within the literature. Scholars generally contend that adult education programmes are more effective when they are aligned with learners’ immediate needs and lived experiences. However, existing research suggests that many programmes fail to achieve such alignment, resulting in diminished engagement and retention ( Kagiso Trust, 2025). In the context of the 4IR, this concern takes on added significance. Samuels and Singh (2025) argue that there is increasing pressure to integrate digital and vocational skills into literacy programmes; however, they note that many CLCs lack both the technological infrastructure and facilitator capacity required to deliver such programmes effectively. This gap between policy expectations and on-the-ground realities highlights the complexity of implementing 4IR-oriented reforms within resource-constrained environments.

The literature further reveals that pedagogical practices within adult education may inadvertently perpetuate exclusion. In their investigation of ABET programmes in Limpopo, Rakoma and Schulze (2015) found that teaching approaches often remain teacher-centred and behaviourist, echoing the legacy of apartheid-era Bantu Education rather than reflecting the learner-centred and participatory methodologies advocated in contemporary policy. From an adult learning perspective, such approaches fail to recognise learners’ prior knowledge and experiences, thereby undermining their sense of agency and self-worth. The authors argue that these practices can be experienced as humiliating by adult learners, ultimately contributing to disengagement and dropout. In addition, Teslim (2024) highlights scheduling inflexibility as a further institutional constraint, noting that programmes that operate during standard working hours or fail to accommodate seasonal labour patterns effectively exclude many potential participants. The absence of flexible delivery modes, including evening or weekend classes, further restricts access for adults with complex work and family commitments.

In addition to structural and institutional factors, the literature also foregrounds dispositional barriers, which are located within the internal psychological and social dimensions of learners. A number of studies indicate that adult learners often internalise negative perceptions of their own abilities, shaped by prior experiences of failure within formal schooling systems ( Van der Kamp, 1995; Rakoma & Schulze, 2015). These internalised beliefs, including low self-confidence, fear of failure, and perceptions of being too old to learn, serve as powerful deterrents to participation. The literature thus suggests that historical educational inequalities continue to exert a lasting influence on present engagement with learning opportunities.

Closely related to these internal barriers is the issue of social stigma, which emerges as a significant constraint within many South African communities. Rakoma and Schulze (2015) observe that adult learners are frequently subjected to ridicule and social judgement, with participation in adult education sometimes perceived as inappropriate or indicative of personal failure. This stigma is further intensified when learning environments resemble those designed for children, such as the use of small furniture or child-oriented materials. Such practices not only undermine the dignity of adult learners but also reinforce negative societal perceptions of adult education. Moreover, the literature highlights the role of gender norms and cultural practices in shaping dispositional barriers. Mkhize and Vilakazi (2021), together with UNICEF (2021), point to practices such as early and forced marriage, including ukuthwala, as significant disruptions to girls’ educational trajectories, with long-term implications for women’s participation in adult education. At the same time, Rakoma and Schulze (2015) note that men may also experience gender-related constraints, particularly where cultural constructions of masculinity discourage participation in classes led by female educators or attended alongside women.

In addition to these factors, the literature identifies informational barriers as a critical, yet often underexplored, dimension of exclusion. These barriers arise from limited awareness of available educational opportunities, inadequate guidance, and ineffective programme marketing strategies. Research conducted in rural South Africa indicates that many adults who could benefit from literacy programmes are either unaware of their existence or lack a clear understanding of their purpose and potential benefits ( Rakoma & Schulze, 2015). The authors further note that recruitment efforts are often informal and fragmented, relying heavily on word-of-mouth rather than systematic community mobilisation. As a result, large segments of the target population remain unreached.

In the contemporary era, informational barriers are increasingly shaped by the dynamics of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, which introduces new forms of digital exclusion. While policy discourse emphasises the importance of digital skills and 4IR readiness, the literature suggests that the realities in rural South Africa are characterised by significant infrastructural and technological deficits. ICT Works (2024), in its analysis, identifies six primary barriers to 4IR participation in Africa, namely infrastructure deficits, digital skills gaps, regulatory barriers, economic constraints, political challenges, and market fragmentation. These systemic challenges have direct implications for adult literacy programmes. Olifant, Cekiso and Boakye (2023) demonstrate that facilitators often lack the necessary training, devices, and connectivity to deliver digital components of the curriculum, while learners themselves have limited access to devices and data to support learning beyond the classroom. In this regard, Vurayai (2025) cautions that the integration of 4IR-oriented curricula, in the absence of adequate support structures, may inadvertently exacerbate existing inequalities by excluding those who are already marginalised.

Furthermore, the digital divide continues to reinforce informational barriers, as access to programme information increasingly shifts to online platforms. According to the World Bank (2022), only 25% of South Africa’s rural population has reliable internet access, thereby limiting their ability to access information about educational opportunities. This creates a paradoxical situation in which those most in need of adult education are also those least likely to access information about such opportunities. In synthesising these findings, it becomes evident that digital exclusion is not merely a technological issue but is deeply intertwined with broader socio-economic inequalities.

The literature reviewed in this section demonstrates that barriers to adult participation in functional literacy programmes are multidimensional, intersecting, and mutually reinforcing. While individual studies tend to foreground specific categories of barriers, the broader body of scholarship suggests that meaningful participation is shaped by the dynamic interplay between situational realities, institutional practices, dispositional factors, and access to information, all of which are increasingly influenced by the demands and contradictions of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. This synthesis underscores the need for a holistic and contextually responsive approach to adult education, one that not only addresses traditional barriers but also engages critically with emerging forms of digital exclusion.

All participants identified financial constraints as the primary barrier to participation. Learners reported that the opportunity costs of attending classes lost income from informal work, transport costs, and the inability to engage in income-generating activities created insurmountable barriers for many potential participants. AL 1 explained: “Sometimes I miss classes because I must sell vegetables in the market. If I don’t sell, we don’t eat.” This finding aligns with Cross’s (1981) conceptualisation of situational barriers and confirms recent research identifying financial constraints as primary determinants of non-participation in sub-Saharan Africa ( Oxenham et al., 2002; Amaro, Abreu & Abreu, 2021).

The intersection of poverty and educational participation creates a vicious cycle where those most in need of literacy skills are least able to afford the costs of acquisition. This finding supports Maslow’s (1943) hierarchy, where physiological needs must be satisfied before higher-order needs such as education can be prioritised. For adult learners in Mogalakwena, the immediate demands of survival consistently override longer-term educational investments.

Transport costs emerged as a specific financial barrier. Learners travelling from outlying villages reported spending R20–R40 daily on transport, representing a significant proportion of their meagre incomes. AL 4 noted: “The taxi money is too much. Sometimes I walk, but it is far and dangerous in the dark.” This finding confirms Rakoma and Schulze’s (2015) identification of transport as a critical barrier in rural Limpopo and highlights the spatial inequalities that characterise South Africa’s geography of educational opportunity.

Childcare and household responsibilities constituted significant situational barriers, particularly for women learners. AL 3 shared: “I want to learn, but my baby cries and there is no one to look after him.” The absence of childcare facilities at the CLC meant that women with young children faced impossible choices between their educational aspirations and caregiving responsibilities. This gendered barrier reflects broader patterns of women’s unpaid care work in South Africa and aligns with feminist critiques of adult education that fail to accommodate reproductive labour ( Mkhize, 2023).

Male learners also reported domestic barriers, though of a different nature. AL 2 explained: “My wife is sick, so I must cook and clean when I come home. By the time I finish, I am too tired for homework.” This finding suggests that while women face barriers related to primary caregiving responsibilities, men may encounter barriers when they deviate from traditional gender roles by assuming domestic duties.

Geographical distance combined with poor infrastructure created significant access barriers. Learners from remote villages reported walking up to 10 kilometres to reach the CLC, often in difficult weather conditions. The lack of reliable public transport in rural Mogalakwena exacerbated these challenges. FAL 3 observed: “Some learners come from very far. When it rains, they cannot cross the rivers, so they miss class.”

Seasonal factors further complicated access. During the rainy season, dirt roads became impassable, effectively excluding learners from outlying areas for weeks at a time. This finding highlights the intersection of environmental and infrastructural factors in creating barriers to participation.

Facilitators and learners consistently identified inadequate infrastructure as a significant barrier. The CLC operated from a repurposed primary school building with limited space, poor lighting, and inadequate sanitation. FAL 2 noted: “We share one classroom for three different groups. The noise makes it difficult to concentrate.” This finding confirms recent research documenting infrastructure deficits in rural CET colleges and CLCs ( Kagiso Trust, 2025; Modise, 2023).

The shortage of learning materials emerged as a related institutional barrier. Learners reported sharing textbooks among three or four students, limiting their ability to review content outside class hours. FAL 1 explained: “We don’t have enough books. Sometimes learners must copy from the board, which takes time and makes them feel like children.” This resource constraint not only limits learning but also reinforces the humiliation that can accompany adult literacy education.

While the study focused on barriers rather than programme effectiveness, participants identified curriculum relevance as influencing their motivation and persistence. Learners valued practical skills that could be immediately applied to generate income or improve household management. AL 6 explained: “I like the business skills because I can use them now. But some things seem not useful for us here in the village.”

Facilitators reported pressure to cover standardised curricula that did not always align with learners’ immediate needs or the local economic context. FAL 4 observed: “The curriculum says we must teach certain things, but the learners want to know how to make money now, not later.” This tension between standardised provision and contextual relevance represents a persistent institutional barrier in South African adult education ( Kagiso Trust, 2025).

The CLC operated on a fixed schedule that did not accommodate learners’ diverse work patterns and responsibilities. Classes ran during standard daytime hours, excluding those engaged in informal work or seasonal agricultural labour. AL 4 noted: “If I do not sit at my stall, someone else takes my spot. I can’t lose customers for a class.” This finding confirms the need for flexible scheduling identified in previous research ( Teslim, 2024) and highlights how institutional structures designed for conventional educational contexts exclude working adults.

Social stigma surrounding adult literacy emerged as a powerful dispositional barrier. Learners reported feeling ashamed of their illiteracy and fearful of community judgment. AL 2 explained: “I did not tell my neighbours I am coming here. They will laugh and say I am too old for school.” This finding confirms Rakoma and Schulze’s (2015) identification of stigma as a significant barrier in Limpopo and illustrates how internalised shame can inhibit participation.

The stigma was compounded by the physical environment of the CLC. Operating from a primary school and using similar materials created what learners experienced as a humiliating resemblance to childhood schooling. AL 1 noted: “The chairs are small like for children. I feel shame when I must sit there.” This finding highlights how institutional practices can reinforce dispositional barriers by triggering feelings of inadequacy and shame.

Many learners reported low self-confidence stemming from prior educational failure. AL 5 shared: “I tried school before and failed. I am afraid I will fail again.” This fear of failure represents a significant psychological barrier that can prevent initial enrolment or lead to early dropout. Facilitators recognised this barrier and employed encouragement and incremental success strategies to build learner confidence.

FAL 2 described her approach: “I start with very easy things so they can succeed. When they see they can do it, they want to learn more.” This finding aligns with Freire’s (1968) emphasis on dialogue and the affirmation of learners’ capabilities as essential for overcoming internalised oppression and building the confidence necessary for educational engagement.

Cultural norms regarding gender roles created specific dispositional barriers. Female learners reported resistance from male partners who viewed their educational participation as threatening to household hierarchies. FAL 5 noted: “Some husbands don’t want their wives to come here. They say it makes the women too independent.” This finding confirms the persistence of patriarchal barriers to women’s education in rural South Africa ( Mkhize, 2023; Nkosi, 2014).

Conversely, some male learners expressed discomfort with the female-dominated environment of the CLC. AL 2 observed: “Most learners are women. Sometimes I feel strange being the only man.” This gender dynamic reflects broader patterns of male disengagement from adult education and highlights how programme demographics can create dispositional barriers for underrepresented groups.

Participants reported that many eligible adults in their communities were unaware of the CLC or misunderstood its purpose. AL 3 explained: “My neighbour did not know this place exists. She thought it was only for children.” This informational barrier limits recruitment and perpetuates low participation rates. Facilitators acknowledged that marketing efforts were limited by resource constraints and lack of systematic outreach strategies.

FAL 4 noted: “We put up posters, but many people here cannot read. We need to go house to house, but we don’t have time or transport for that.” This finding illustrates the intersection of informational barriers with literacy levels those most in need of services are least able to access information about them through conventional channels.

The migration of programme information to digital platforms created additional informational barriers. The CLC relied increasingly on social media and online registration, excluding adults without digital access or literacy. FAL 6 observed: “We put information on WhatsApp, but many learners don’t have smartphones or data.” This finding highlights how digitalisation, rather than expanding access, can create new forms of exclusion for marginalised populations ( Afrobarometer, 2020; Sun et al., 2024).

The 4IR presented unique barriers for learners and facilitators at Mageme CLC. Limited electricity supply meant that computer-based learning was unreliable and intermittent. FAL 6 explained: “When the power goes off, we cannot use the computers. Sometimes we wait for hours in the dark.” This infrastructure deficit represents a fundamental barrier to 4IR readiness in rural areas ( ICT works, 2024; Vurayai, 2025).

Internet connectivity was similarly problematic. The CLC had limited bandwidth that could not support multiple users simultaneously, making digital literacy instruction difficult. FAL 3 noted: “The internet is too slow. When I try to show them something online, we wait and wait. The learners get bored.”

Learners lacked access to devices for practising digital skills outside class. Only two of the six learner participants owned smartphones, and none had computers at home. AL 5 explained: “I want to practise what I learn, but I have no computer. The phone is too small for typing.” This device poverty represents a significant barrier to digital skill acquisition and reinforces inequalities in 4IR readiness ( Sun et al., 2024).

The cost of data presented an additional barrier. Even learners with smartphones could not afford the data required for online learning or research. FAL 2 noted: “We suggest they use their phones to practise, but they say data is too expensive. One gigabyte costs more than their transport to class.”

Facilitators themselves reported limited training in digital pedagogy, creating a barrier to effective 4IR-oriented instruction. FAL 1 admitted: “I am not comfortable with the computer myself. How can I teach others?” This finding confirms recent research indicating that facilitator readiness for 4IR teaching is uneven and that professional development in digital pedagogy is urgently needed ( Samuels & Singh, 2025; Teane, 2024).

Despite the above insights, the study has some limitations. First, the sample was limited to learners and facilitators at a single community learning centre, which may limit the generalisability of the findings to other contexts or regions. While Mogalakwena Municipality shares characteristics with other rural South African areas, specific local conditions such as distance from urban centres, availability of alternative livelihood opportunities, and community attitudes toward adult education may produce unique barrier configurations not replicated elsewhere.

Second, the qualitative design relied heavily on self-reported experiences, which may be influenced by social desirability bias or selective recall. Participants may have underreported stigma-related barriers or overemphasised their motivation to learn, potentially skewing the understanding of actual participation obstacles. Additionally, the cross-sectional nature of data collection captured barriers at a single point in time, missing seasonal variations in barrier intensity such as agricultural cycles or school fee payment periods that significantly affect participation.

Third, the study focused primarily on learners’ and facilitators’ perspectives, with limited input from local authorities, community stakeholders, or family members of participants. These additional perspectives could have provided more comprehensive understanding of how community-level factors and household dynamics create or sustain participation barriers. The absence of direct input from policymakers also limits understanding of how resource allocation decisions at provincial and national levels constrain local programme implementation.

Based on these limitations, suggestions for further research include expanding studies to multiple community learning centres across different regions to compare barrier configurations and identify context-specific mitigation strategies. Future research could also adopt a mixed-methods approach, incorporating quantitative measures of barrier frequency, economic impact assessment, and participation pattern analysis alongside qualitative narratives. Additionally, exploring the perspectives of community leaders, family members, and policymakers would provide a more holistic understanding of the multi-level factors affecting functional literacy participation. Investigating the effectiveness of specific barrier-reduction interventions such as transport subsidies, childcare provision, or flexible scheduling would further illuminate practical strategies for enhancing adult education access in resource-constrained settings.