The Hidden Toll: Investigating the influence of Corruption on Persistent Suicide in the Americas

Theoretical foundation

The association between corruption and suicide can be theoretically explained through social disorganization theory strain theory, and Durkheim’s theory of anomie. According to Ruth Cavan’s social disorganization theory (Cavan, 1928), societal structures that fail to meet communal needs lead to negative outcomes, such as suicide, by undermining social cohesion and support systems. Corruption erodes trust in institutions, creating environments of disorder and instability, marked by social alienation and isolation, which are linked to higher suicide rates in corrupt societies (Abrutyn, 2023). Similarly, Jie Zhang’s strain theory (Zhang, 2019) explains that psychological strain arises from conflicting values, aspiration-reality gaps, relative deprivation, and ineffective coping strategies. In corrupt settings, individuals often face limited opportunities, heightened inequality, and a sense of injustice, leading to dissatisfaction, stress, and vulnerability to suicidal ideation. Without adequate coping mechanisms or social support, such mental strain may drive individuals toward suicide. According to Durkheim’s theory of anomie, suicide is associated with social instability, which is a state of normlessness brought on by swift social change or eroded norms. People feel alone and aimless as a result of this connection, which weakens social cohesiveness and raises the chance of suicide since they find it difficult to adjust to the absence of social control (Marks, 1974). Thus, the theoretical grounds emphasise that corruption, by generating social disorganisation, psychological stress, and normlessness, produces an environment that magnifies the risk factors for suicide, underscoring the important connection between societal dysfunction and individual vulnerability.

Corruption and suicide

A victim of corruption can have several negative consequences for one’s mental health, including severe depression (Bai et al., 2019). Previous researchers have explained that in low-income nations, harassment bribes- defined as bribes frequently demanded by officials for services or rights to which people are already entitled, are a sort of regressive income tax that is typically a significant portion of one’s income, particularly for poorer households, and are unpredictable and frequent, causing chronic stress in low-income families (Adhvaryu et al., 2018). As a result, such corruption erodes trust in local governance, diminishes social capital, and damages mental health. A leading, study on OECD countries indicated lower suicide rates in nations with less corruption (Yamamura et al., 2012). On the other hand, another study revealed that poor governance causes more stress and despair among citizens, raising the likelihood of suicide (Sharma et al., 2021). This aligns with results that effective governments and strong social trust contribute to life satisfaction (Bjørnskov et al., 2010). Thus, corruption and poor governance not only weaken economic and social institutions but also have severe consequences for mental health, raising the risk of psychological distress and suicide across a wide range of socioeconomic circumstances.

Past literature emphasises the undeniable link between corruption and worsening mental health, including higher suicide rates, particularly among poor communities. Corruption weakens economies, destroys institutional trust, and denies access to essential services, instilling hopelessness. Despite its clear public health implications, current research on corruption’s role in driving suicide, particularly in the Americas, is insufficient. The lack of contemporary, focused studies on this pressing issue reveals a critical gap in comprehending how deeply corruption impacts mental health, indicating an urgent need for further exploration.

Inflation and suicide

Understanding mental health and crime rates is made more difficult by macroeconomic issues such as inflation. Although there is conflicting evidence, some argue that decreasing inflation lowers crime, including suicides. For instance, growing food inflation in Turkey disproportionately increased male suicide rates, while rising inflation in the United States is associated with increasing criminality (Şentürk & Erbay, 2022). Though their success depends on political and financial support, welfare programs and minimum wage laws have been suggested as suicide prevention techniques (Stack, 2021; Tuttle, 2018). Increasing salaries has the potential to decrease suicide, but achieving this will be politically challenging (Kaufman et al., 2020).

Furthermore, economic crises, such as the 2008 Great Recession, which experienced high inflation, intensify these psychological consequences, with repossessions and family breakdowns contributing to mental health toll (Agrrawal et al., 2017; Coope et al., 2014; Mucci et al., 2016). The broader socioeconomic implications, such as family breakdowns and lower academic accomplishment for children, compound the mental health concerns (National Council of La Raza, 2009). However, the linear assumption that financial crises cause an increase in suicide rates may oversimplify the issue. While financial stress is clearly a factor, it is essential to evaluate how other factors may influence these outcomes. Simply focussing on financial indicators without addressing underlying socioeconomic inequities risks providing an inadequate picture of the suicide-inflation nexus.

The literature also contains inconsistent knowledge, with some studies disputing the commonly held idea that inflation constantly raises suicide rates. For example, South African research discovered a negative association, with suicides increasing as inflation dropped, though this relationship became statistically insignificant when province adjustments were applied, particularly among women (Noh, 2009). Adding to the stated findings, similar studies reveal countercyclical suicide trends (Granados, 2008). This contradiction raises serious concerns regarding the universality of the inflation-suicide association. Such findings highlight the need to examine context-specific factors, such as cultural attitudes and thinking patterns of the public towards economic hardship and the availability of government safety nets, rather than assuming equal outcomes across countries.

Although there is evidence associating inflation with suicide, this relationship is nuanced and complex to generalise. This demands a more concentrated approach that takes socioeconomic, gender, and regional variables into consideration. Understanding such a relationship and creating remedies that address the psychological as well as the economic aspects of inflation require thorough, context-sensitive studies. Without careful examination, policy recommendations have the potential of being detrimental or ineffectual, depending on the local or national contexts.

Unemployment and suicide

Unemployment, especially during economic downturns, is a well-known cause of suicide (Jung et al., 2024; Schapiro & Ahlburg, 1982), And lower unemployment rates often improve mental health and lessen the risk of suicide. This fact underlines how important it is to conduct cross-national replication to assess the validity of the relationships between unemployment and societal outcomes, including suicides (Goulas & Zervoyianni, 2023; McKee-Ryan et al., 2005; Milner et al., 2012; Park et al., 2003; Paul & Moser, 2009; Yang & Lester, 1995). The Great Recession demonstrated this fact since growing unemployment was associated with greater suicide rates, especially in areas where supportive measures such as social programs were missing (Norström & Grönqvist, 2015; Shand et al., 2021). Also, a systematic review found that long-term unemployment increases the risk of suicide while the risk decreases over time, probably due to habituation (Milner et al., 2013).

However, contradicting the majority of the past literature, some studies have revealed a negative association between unemployment and suicide in low-income countries (Barth et al., 2011). Unemployment in these regions may not carry the same social stigma or economic challenges, which could explain the lower suicide rates. In contrast, in high-income countries, unemployment tends to increase suicide rates due to increased psychological and societal pressures. This emphasises the significance of income levels in understanding the diverse effects of unemployment on suicide across different socioeconomic circumstances (Noh, 2009). This divergence in findings underscores the importance of considering regional economic structures and cultural contexts when studying the unemployment-suicide relationship.

Economic growth and suicide

Suicide is a complicated issue driven by economic, social, and psychological factors, although the link between economic growth and suicide rates is still debated. Early studies revealed that economic downturns increase suicide risk by lowering prospects, whereas economic prosperity lowers these risks (Hamermesh & Soss, 1974). Also, it has found a negative association between GDP growth and suicide rates, supporting this viewpoint (Mattei & Pistoresi, 2019; Zhang et al., 2010). However, the drop in suicide was often only temporary during periods of economic prosperity, implying that economic growth alone may not be a long-term answer to lowering suicide rates. This emphasises the importance of rigorously examining the long-term psychological benefits of economic growth, which may be underestimated in standard economic theory.

More recent research indicated that GDP alone has poor predictive value for changes in suicide rates, calling into doubt the premise that economic prosperity inevitably improves mental health (Cao, 2024). In fact, it has also discovered a positive relationship between economic growth and suicide rates, particularly during periods of fast expansion, attributing these trends to increased workplace stress and cultural changes, notably among older populations (Fountoulakis et al., 2014; Rajagukguk et al., 2020). These conflicting findings imply that economic expansion might occasionally intensify rather than reduce pressures, challenging the myth that growth is always favourable to mental health.

The relationship between economic progress and suicide is more nuanced than previous research believed. While expansion may enhance material situations, it can also increase stress, which increases the possibility of suicide. The contradicting findings underscore the need for further research, emphasising the need to include social and mental health factors in economic policies. Focussing primarily on GDP growth risks ignoring significant public health implications, possibly increasing suicide rates. This demonstrates the crucial need for a more comprehensive approach to economic planning.

Suicide-related literature search

An extensive literature search was done in the Google Scholar database to acquire a basic understanding of the evolution and expansion of the related disciplines. Figure 2 illustrates the search results over decades.

Figure 2. Bar chart of related literature over the years.

Source: Authors’ illustrations based on literature search.

This bar chart illustrates the distribution of key research publications over time, focussing on the studies included in this analysis. The figure reveals an interesting trend: while research on topics such as unemployment, economic growth, and inflation influencing suicide has risen over the years, studies on the link between corruption and suicide have only recently gained attention. Despite the growing global relevance of both corruption and suicide, these arenas remain unexplored in comparison to other common variables in this study. This study attempted to emphasise more recent key studies, which showed a rising but still limited focus on corruption as a suicide factor, highlighting the need for further research in the domain of corruption’s influence on suicide.

Following Figure 3 illustrates the geographical distribution of major literature cited in the study, emphasising the global aspect of suicide risk factor research spanning on to various regions and countries.

Figure 3. Bubble pie charts of key literature.

Source: Authors’ illustrations based on literature search.

This map depicts the geographic distribution of relevant literature included in the study, demonstrating that while regions such as Latin America, the Caribbean, and portions of Asia have gotten significant attention, there is a noticeable lack of focus on the broader American region, including North America. Especially, despite the crucial challenges of corruption, and suicide in the American region, research in these areas is still under-explored. The unlabelled icons in this map are country-wise studies. This literature map signals the need for more concentrated research in the American region, where socioeconomic issues and suicide rates are continuously growing. These studies highlight the key literature used in this study, emphasising geographical differences and the need to resolve these gaps in future research.

The conceptual base for the current study was built based on the literature study and existing knowledge. The independent variables mentioned have revealed a significant impact on suicide rates. Table 1 divides the supporting key literature into four independent variables relevant to the study of suicide: corruption, inflation, unemployment, and economic growth.

With this conceptual foundation, this study is executed to investigate the impact of corruption on suicide corruption, incorporating moderating macroeconomic indicators and their impact on suicide rates across the American region. This framework aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how various economic and governance qualities influence the rising suicide rates in the Americas and to reveal the underlying dynamics that contribute to mental health crises in the region.

Data

The study used secondary data sources that are presented in Table 2. The study used a panel dataset of 26 nations, focusing on the American region, across 20 years, starting from 2000. The latest reported data is the latest data available currently.

Even though there are several measures of corruption introduced, this study employs Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) to represent the corruption control of nations. It is a commonly acknowledged measure of corruption that combines data from 13 independent surveys and expert judgements to provide a comprehensive picture of perceived corruption in the public sector across countries. A country’s inclusion requires data from at least three of these sources, ensuring substantial and multifaceted insights into corruption levels. The approach enables the CPI to maintain consistency, stability, and comparability across countries, making it a useful tool for academic research and policymaking (Transparency International, 2024).

The study utilised stepwise panel regression models as analytical methodology. The analyses were executed for the whole Americas and for the three income level categories that can be primarily noticed within the region - high, upper-middle, and lower-middle income nations. First, the stationarity and the stability of the dataset were tested using the unit root tests: Levi-Lin-Chu (LLC) and Fisher Augmented Dicky Fuller (Fisher ADF), and the CUSUM tests. Ensuring stationarity is critical for maintaining stable relationships between variables throughout time (Kwiatkowski et al., 1992). The CUSUM plots are recommended for minimal projected movement to measure process stability (Saniga et al., 2006). Then, three specification tests were performed to determine the most suitable model: Pooled Ordinary Least Squares (POLS), Random Effect Model (REM), or Fixed Effect Model (FEM). The F test was used to assess the suitable model from POLS and FEM (Yang et al., 2007). The LM (Lagrange Multiplier) test assessed the best model from POLS and REM (Breusch & Pagan, 1980). Finally, the Hausman test was used to determine the applicability of the RE and FE models (Chmelarova, 2006). Furthermore, the analysis was performed with conventional robust error, which eliminated the issue of heteroscedasticity.

Next, to analyse how CORR, with the influence of three selected moderating variables affects SUI with a focus on the American region, below Equation 1 was developed.

The SUI_it is the suicide rate, with _i as income category and _t as time. SUI _it-1 represents the lagged suicide rate. This variable was introduced to eliminate the stationary issue of the dataset.

CORR_it measures corruption control scores, whereas (CORR × ΔINFL) _it demonstrates the moderating effect of inflation (first-differenced). This ΔINFL was introduced to fix the stability issue of the INFL variable. The terms (CORR × UNEMP) _it and (CORR × EG) _it denote the moderating effects of unemployment and economic growth, respectively. The coefficients β₀, β₁, β₂, β₃, β_4, and β₅ represent the intercept and slopes of the regression line, which describe the impact of the independent variables on the dependent variable SUI_it, and the error term is denoted by ε_it. Next, the initial stepwise panel regression models were developed to analyse the stepwise effects of SUI _it-1, CORR, CORR × ΔINFL, CORR × UNEMP, and CORR × EG on SUI.

Ultimately, the final model was refined by stepwise panel regression, with variables added or eliminated based on statistical significance or discrepancies with previous studies. The model was rerun to obtain the final findings. Panel regression provides several advantages, including the capability to account for unobserved heterogeneity, improve statistical efficiency, model dynamic relationships, and accommodate both fixed and random variables, resulting in more robust and flexible findings (Hsiao, 2007). Furthermore, stepwise regression makes model selection easier by automatically finding relevant predictors, lowering the risk of overfitting, and enhancing model interpretability and generalisability, especially in large datasets. Thus, the technique is suitable for developing socioeconomic models.

To derive the results of the study, panel regressions and stationary tests were carried out using STATA whereas RStudio and was utilised, to generate the CUSUM plots and Mean variable values with 95% Confidence Interval charts respectively.

Initial observations

The observations of suicide rates across the American region from 20 years apart depicted in Figure 6, reveal considerable regional variations. Suicide rates in countries such as Guyana increased dramatically, from 31.35 in 2000 to 40.28 in 2019, while in Brazil, the rate nearly doubled, from 3.98 to 6.89. Conversely, specific countries, such as Argentina and Venezuela, saw their rates fall from 9.11 to 8.37 and 5.44 to 2.05, respectively. The United States had a significant increase, from 11.03 to 16.14. Overall, it shows a complex pattern of gains and falls, while overall, in many countries ‘suicides have risen (An illustration of suicide in the countries of the Americas during the same period (2000-2019) is available in repository - Appendix 2). Over two decades, Guyana had the highest suicide rates, showing significant growth. Canada, while the second highest, maintained consistent levels. Suriname and Uruguay had high rates with minor volatility. Canada, the U.S., and Argentina showed steady trends, while Venezuela, Jamaica, Honduras, and Panama consistently had low suicide rates.

Figure 6. Suicide rates comparison maps 2000 vs 2019.

Source: Authors’ compilation based on the World Health Organization data (2024).

The analysis of corruption perception index values from 2000 to 2019 in Figure 7 depicts the Americas and reveals diverse trends across the American area. As key observations, Argentina’s corruption control improved from 35 to 45, indicating a decrease in corruption, whereas Brazil fell from 39 to 35. Canada and the United States both showed reductions, with Canada dropping from 92 to 77 and the United States from 78 to 69, indicating growing corruption. Guyana improved its corruption control dramatically from 25 to 40, whereas Venezuela’s grade fell from 27 to 16, indicating worsening corruption. Overall, the region presents a mixed picture, with some governments making headway in tackling corruption and others falling back.

Figure 7. Corruption comparison maps 2000 vs 2019.

Source: Authors’ compilation based on the Transparency International data (2024).

Furthermore, Venezuela’s corruption control score has dropped significantly, indicating that corruption is on the rise. In contrast, countries such as Canada, the United States, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Barbados have all seen increased corruption in recent years. In contrast, Argentina, Guyana, Ecuador, Costa Rica, and Panama all improved in corruption control, while Brazil and Barbados demonstrated more variable tendencies. Overall, the data show an increasing burden of corruption across the area, with notable differences between governments that manage corruption well and those that are losing control (An illustration of corruption in the countries of the Americas during the same period (2000-2019) is available inrepository - Appendix 3).

The following Figure 8 illustrates inflation rates in the Americas between 2000 and 2019. Venezuela encountered an exceptional increase in inflation, rising from 16.29% to 19,906.62%, indicating a period of hyperinflation Argentina similarly experienced a rise in inflation from -0.70% in 2000 to 53.80% in 2019. The fundamental cause of this crisis was the country’s reliance on oil exports, which made the economy sensitive to global oil price fluctuations, known as “Dutch disease.” Additional factors, such as Chavismo’s restrictive state-controlled policies, the growth of black markets, and the authoritarian government under Chávez and Maduro, intensified economic instability and hyperinflation (Wang, 2022). Other countries, including Mexico, Canada, and the United States, kept inflation rates relatively low and consistent during this time. However, the region’s inflationary tendencies are varied, with some nations stabilising and others, such as Argentina and Venezuela, experiencing intense inflationary pressures.

Figure 8. Inflation comparison maps 2000 vs 2019.

Source: Authors’ compilation based on the World Bank data (2024).

The examination of unemployment rates from 2000 to 2019 yields varied results, as depicted in Figure 9. Argentina’s unemployment rate fell significantly from 15.00 to 9.84, whilst Brazil’s grew from 10.53 to 12.05. Colombia improved, going from 20.52 to 9.96, while Suriname decreased from 12.74 to 8.03. The United States saw a modest decline from 3.99 to 3.67. In comparison, Guyana’s rate increased marginally, from 11.89 to 13.52. Overall, while some nations made headway in lowering unemployment, others, such as Brazil and Guyana, saw rates rise, reflecting regional labour market patterns.

Figure 9. Unemployment comparison maps 2000 vs 2019.

Source: Authors’ compilation based on the World Bank data (2024).

The GDP growth comparison maps for the Americas from 2000 to 2019 are depicted in Figure 10, and they indicate unfavourable economic growth patterns in most Americas countries. Brazil’s growth rate dropped significantly, while Venezuela’s decreased dramatically from 3.69% to -27.67%. Argentina and Ecuador also saw near-zero or negative growth rates, indicating experiences of economically troublesome conditions. However, countries like the Dominican Republic, Bolivia, and Guyana performed well, maintaining or improving their growth rates. Overall, the region saw more economic setbacks than growth outcomes.

Figure 10. Economic growth comparison maps 2000 vs 2019.

Source: Authors’ compilation based on the World Bank data (2024).

These maps and line graphs provide insight into patterns of corruption control, suicide rates, and economic indicators such as inflation, unemployment, and GDP growth throughout the Americas from 2000 to 2019. By analysing these trends at the country level, the report identifies significant socioeconomic concerns, setting the foundation for future research and policy interventions.

The primary analysis of this research is the stepwise panel regression. As the first step, the stationarity and stability of the datasets were tested. This step guarantees that the variables maintain stable associations across time. Table 3 below confirms that the datasets are stationarity, utilizing LLC and Fisher ADF tests.

The structural stability of the study’s datasets is confirmed through CUSUM plots, as depicted in Figure 11 wherein stability is measured under a 95% significance level.

Figure 11. CUSUM plots as stability test.

Source: Authors’ illustrations using RStudio.

The results of the stationarity and stability tests establish the dataset’s dependability for panel regression analysis, guaranteeing that the variables maintain stable associations across time and that the model is appropriate for the next stage of statistical research.

Next, the selection of the best model fit for panel data analysis across all Americas is presented in Table 4, which includes separate income categories. The F-test shows that the POLS model is ineffective, whereas FEM is preferable. The LM test reveals no significant changes between income levels, indicating that the REM does not outperform POLS. The Hausman Test reveals that FEM is the best fit across all income levels (The stepwise results for each category is available in repository - Appendix 4).

Table 5 shows the results of the final stepwise panel regression models for the Americas and three income categories: high, upper-middle, and lower-middle-income countries (The groundwork of the final stepwise panel regression is available in repository - Appendix 5). In the next step, the base for building the final regression models of the Americas and the different income groups was tested (The fixed and random effect estimates for the final stepwise model is available in repository - Appendix 6). When developing the Americas regression model, the CORR $\mathit{\times }$ ΔINFL variable is dropped due to changing coefficient signs across different stepwise models. All income level category regression models successfully included all the chosen variables since they aligned with the coefficient signs in previous literature and were consistent throughout stepwise models. These tests provided necessary information on the applicability and suitability of the various models, allowing to choose the most effective approach for the analysis.

The lagged suicide variable (SUI _it-1) exhibits consistently positive and significant associations with current suicide rates across all models, with coefficients ranging from 0.3929 in lower middle income countries to 0.8063 in the Americas, all significant at the 1% level. Even so, the coefficient of the lagged suicide variable is smaller than 1, indicating that the suicide rate will converge among countries in the long run. However, these findings suggest a notable persistence of suicide rates over time, with a tendency of historical trends strongly influencing current patterns in the Americas, upper middle and lower middle countries with coefficients 0.8063, 0.8059, and 0.7416, respectively. But the lower middle income countries with a coefficient of 0.3929 point to a comparatively modest persisting nature in suicide and a greater potential for change of pattern over time.

The main effects of corruption control score (CORR), as the main independent variable, demonstrates a significant negative association with suicide rates in upper middle income countries (-0.0268, p<0.05), indicating that stronger governance is modestly associated with lower suicide rates. This suggests that effective corruption control can foster conditions that reduce stressors contributing to suicide in these countries. In the Americas, high income countries, and lower-middle income countries, the coefficients for corruption control are not statistically significant (-0.0001, -0.0001, and -0.0151, respectively). This implies that, on its own, corruption control may not have a direct measurable and significant impact on suicide rates in these contexts, however, the negative signs of values support the existing literature findings which state that there is a negative association between corruption control and suicide rates. Furthermore, the interaction effects show how the moderating factors of inflation, unemployment, and economic growth shape this relationship.

The moderation between CORR and inflation (CORR × INFL) reveals insignificant, extremely subtle negative effects in high-income, upper middle and lower middle countries, with coefficients of -2.82×10⁻⁷, -2.55×10⁻⁷ and -0.0002 respectively. Compared to the unmoderated effect of corruption control on suicide rates, the further minimised moderated values indicate that inflation’s involvement limits the slightly beneficial impact existent of corruption control on suicide.

The moderated effect of corruption control mixed with unemployment (CORR × UNEMP) shows highly significant positive results. In high-income countries, the coefficient is -0.0006 (p < 0.10), signifying a modest effect on suicide rates. In contrast, upper-middle-income and lower-middle-income countries exhibit relatively higher, albeit still small, coefficients of 0.0022 (p < 0.01) and 0.0040 (p < 0.01), respectively. While the direct effect of corruption control on suicide indicates a slight reduction in suicide rates with higher levels of corruption control, the moderated results reveal a contradictory pattern. Specifically, corruption control, when moderated by unemployment, appears to slightly increase suicide rates.

For the moderation between CORR and economic growth (CORR × EG), the results show significant effects in several cases, but positive in all income levels. In both Americas and high-income countries, the coefficients are -0.0005 (p < 0.10) and significant, while upper middle and lower middle income countries have insignificant coefficients of -0.0003, and -0.0005 respectively. These results indicate that economic growth mildly strengthens the negative relationship between corruption control and suicide rates compared to the direct effect of corruption on suicide.

The overall R² levels across all income categories demonstrate a solid fit for the models. For the entire Americas, the overall R² indicates the model explains that 98.93% of the variation in suicide rates. Similarly, in high-income countries, the R² states 98.92% reflecting a very close level of explanatory power. Upper-middle-income countries’ overall R² indicates 98.48% model success, while lower-middle-income countries show a slightly lower but still strong R² explaining 94.53% of overall explanatory power. These high R² values indicate that the models effectively capture the relationships between suicide rates and the included variables across all income categories.

Policy implications

This study’s findings reveal a complex nexus of corruption, economic issues, and rising suicide rates throughout the Americas. To address these linked concerns, focused policy actions are required, providing a way to minimise corruption and its destructive impact on mental health.

Enhanced anti-corruption initiatives

Corruption has a significant impact on suicide rates, particularly in upper-middle-income countries, where the consequences are most severe. According to the current study, corruption damages public trust, reduces institutional performance, and promotes social inequalities, creating a climate of hopelessness and despair. In response, upper-middle-income countries in the American region can execute anti-corruption measures. The adverse effects of corruption on mental health can be minimised by strengthening governance, boosting transparency, and promoting public sector accountability. A great example is Vietnam’s anti-corruption initiatives, which improved mental health by minimizing the psychosocial effects of corruption, particularly among vulnerable populations like women, through enhanced governance and institutional reforms (Sharma, Singhal, & Tarp, 2021). Similarly, global health sector interventions targeting transparency and accountability not only improved service delivery but also indirectly supported mental health outcomes (Vian, 2020).

Comprehensive unemployment support programs

Unemployment is another factor that contributes to moderate generating higher suicide rates across all income categories, particularly middle-income nations (upper and lower). Joblessness, economic insecurity, and insufficient social safety nets, add to increased emotional distress. To tackle this, unemployment support programs should be created. To lessen the psychological burden of unemployment, focused job development strategies, vocational training, and entrepreneurial support should be implemented. Furthermore, strengthening social safety nets, such as unemployment benefits and mental health services, is critical in providing economic and emotional stability to unemployed people. In the United States, Higher unemployment insurance (UI) can be stated as a successful program. The UI recipiency rates are linked to decreased suicide rates among high-risk populations, including men, non-Hispanic White Americans, and people aged 45 to 64. Improving UI accessibility and focussing on disadvantaged populations is found to be reducing the psychological burden of unemployment and improve mental health outcomes (Kaufman, Salas-Hernández, Komro, & Livingston, 2020).

Mental health interventions and services

Mental health initiatives must be prioritised in communities with high suicide rates, particularly those plagued by corruption and economic instability. It is critical to increase access to community-based mental health services and integrate mental health care into primary health care systems. These services should primarily target vulnerable groups, such as the unemployed and those living in highly corrupt local areas. Such interventions would lessen the psychological impact of economic stress while improving overall mental health outcomes, which can ultimately increase suicides. Zimbabwe’s Friendship Bench program is a renouwned intervention. It trains lay health workers to provide problem-solving therapy, proven to be benefiting over 70,000 people and inspiring adoption in countries such as Kenya and the United States, demonstrating the effectiveness of community-based interventions (Munetsi, Chibanda, & Dzapasi, 2021).

Economic growth policies

According to the current study, while moderation of economic progress significantly proven to offer mild protection against suicide in high-income countries, its benefits do not necessarily extend to vulnerable populations in middle-income nations. Policies for inclusive growth are necessary to guarantee that more significant numbers of people benefit from economic benefits. While middle-income countries must concentrate on providing growth advantages to underprivileged domains, high-income countries should try to ensure that economic prosperity is distributed fairly. It is essential to carry out periodic assessments of the effects of economic expansion on mental health and inequality to prevent the increments of disparities or suicide rates. Japan’s experience with regional suicide prevention programs such as the EFECBSC, illustrate how targeted interventions can reduce suicide rates linked to economic and health-related motives. However, their limited effectiveness for women and school-aged populations highlights the need for policies that equitably address the unique needs of vulnerable groups. This emphasizes the importance of designing inclusive strategies to ensure the benefits of economic progress and prevention efforts are widely distributed (Nakano, Hasegawa, & Okada, 2021).

Inflation management

Even if there was only marginal and no statistically significant moderating influence between inflation and suicide rates, controlling inflation is still essential to maintaining economic stability. As in the case of Venezuela, hyperinflation exacerbates economic instability and may have a secondary impact on mental health. Controlling the volatility of inflation should be a top priority for policymakers, especially in areas with high levels of inflation. Lowering the chances of suicide and the psychological effects of financial instability are two benefits of stabilising the overall economy.

Cross-national collaboration

Finally, to address the interrelated problems of corruption, unstable economies, and mental health across the Americas, cross-national cooperation should be considered crucial. To exchange resources, best practices, and knowledge in economic policy, mental health interventions, and governance, countries should work together. Cooperation among nations can enhance anti-corruption initiatives, foster regional stability, and lead to better mental health outcomes. Cross-border collaborations, especially between neighbouring nations, will guarantee that these issues are addressed thoroughly and sustainably.

Moreover, tackling the intricate associations among corruption, unemployment, economic growth, inflation, and mental health necessitates a multifaceted strategy. Vulnerable populations’ psychological burden can be lessened by implementing targeted anti-corruption measures, increasing unemployment support, encouraging inclusive growth, and improving mental health services. The 66th World Health Assembly endorsed the first-ever mental health action plan in its history in May 2013, proposing a 10% global suicide rate decrease by 2020 (PAHO, 2024). PAHO identified suicide prevention as one of its top priorities and suggested suicide rates as an effect measure in its Regional Strategies for Mental Health publication.

Cross-national collaboration is critical to sustaining these efforts and fostering long-term improvements in public health across the region to fight against the increasing trend of suicide in the American region.

Limitations

This study, while providing valuable insights into the association between corruption and suicide rates in the Americas, has several limitations. First, the data included in the investigation spans a 20-year period, during which many social and political developments happened. These shifts may have altered the outcomes in ways the panel regression model does not entirely account for. Furthermore, the analysis is based on secondary data from trustworthy sources such as the World Bank and Transparency International, which may contain gaps or inconsistencies in reporting. Another limitation is that the current research only addresses governance and economic factors and, cultural and psychological characteristics, which are known to have a significant impact on suicide rates, outside the scope of this study. Finally, The Corruption Perceptions Index (which used to measure corruption control) employed in this study faces unique limitations, including unequal effects and causal interrelations among its data sources, which challenge its assumptions of equal weighting and independence. Additionally, corruption perceptions vary across countries, reflecting cultural and economic differences that the CPI may not fully capture. Potential benefits of triangulating data sources and suggesting this as an area for future exploration. Triangulating data sources with different indexes can be an effective potential tactic to overcome this limitation in future exploration.