Keywords
conventional participation, political disaffection, trust, perception actitud
This article is included in the Political Communications gateway.
In a district of the Lambayeque province, considerable levels of political disaffection are evident, manifesting not only in the alienation from power but also in a significant gap between citizens and government institutions. Although efforts have been made to continue the participatory trend in democratic institutions, innovative proposals for social intervention in political processes and decision-making are still needed. The study aimed to propose a model of conventional participation to mitigate political disaffection in Lambayeque, Peru. The research was quantitative, with a non-experimental, descriptive-propositional design. It employed a survey technique applied to a randomly selected sample of 506 citizens from a total universe of 19,342 voters. The results indicate that the implementation of a conventional participatory practice, tailored to the sociocultural peculiarities of the district, positively impacts the political perception of the population. The findings reveal that a large portion of the Lambayeque population has disconnected from politics in everyday life, registering a general malaise that may reflect in future elections, as interest that does not translate into action is meaningless. General distrust in institutions, particularly the sentiment of corruption, has fostered this detachment; moreover, the results reflect a rejection of the political system. Despite many being informed about politics, the feeling of participation remains impotent.
conventional participation, political disaffection, trust, perception actitud
The author list and affiliations have been standardized: we corrected spelling and accentuation of surnames, and unified institutional affiliations and e-mail addresses for all authors.
Regarding the main text, the theoretical framework has been substantially reorganized and expanded to define more explicitly the core constructs (conventional political participation and political disaffection) and to situate our proposal within classical models (e.g. civic voluntarism and participatory democracy). The methodology section now clarifies that a non-probabilistic, intentional quota sampling strategy was used, details the recruitment process, and describes the questionnaire in three modules (political disaffection, distrust in institutions, and political–social distancing) with five-point Likert scales. We also strengthened the ethical description to align explicitly with the institutional research ethics code.
In the results and proposal sections, the numerical tables remain unchanged, but labels, captions and explanatory paragraphs have been edited for clearer interpretation. Figure 1 has been relabelled and its description revised to present more explicitly the integrated model of conventional participation derived from the empirical findings. No new data were collected; instead, we refined the interpretation and strengthened the connection between results, proposed model, and study objectives.
See the authors' detailed response to the review by Teresa Gil López
Traditional forms of participation, such as popular consultations, public hearings, and municipal councils, have proven to be unviable in actively involving citizens in both local and national politics (Berlanga et al., 2023). This is specifically evident in Lambayeque, where geographical, socioeconomic, and technological barriers hinder access to these spaces for social engagement (Díaz, 2022). The existing methods of citizen participation are not adapted to the realities of the population, leading to a disaffection from politics, where citizens negatively assess their authorities and distance themselves from political matters (Duárez, 2022). In this regard, it is necessary to create a renewed model that leverages new forms of participation and high-tech tools to increase society’s interaction with authorities (Jara et al., 2021).
On the other hand, the inequalities between urban and rural areas still create a deep gap in accessing the political participation process. Rural communities, with their strong ties to the land and agriculture, often find themselves disconnected from political decision-making spaces, sinking into a sense of anti-political alienation (Canaza, 2024). This phenomenon not only limits effective representation but also hinders the design of state policies that adequately respond to the specific needs of these communities. Therefore, in designing a new model of conventional participation through a more open and equitable system, social integration must be fulfilled (Martínez et al., 2022).
In this context, a fundamental point in remodeling the participation model is the fusion of digital technologies, which offer a unique opportunity to overcome the physical and social barriers inherent in conventional participation. However, bringing technological tools to rural areas poses significant challenges, such as limited internet access and digital literacy (Jara et al., 2021).
To some extent, the proposal to reinvent the participation model involves not only introducing new technologies but also broadening the approach to civic education (Rodríguez, 2024). In this sense, the politics of disaffection is closely related to the lack of knowledge about how participation operates and exercising citizens’ rights. Therefore, it is essential to implement programs that strengthen not only political culture but also citizens’ civic sense (Moyano & Solís, 2021). These programs should lead citizens not only to understand the importance of participation but also to provide them with concrete tools to interact effectively in both politics and society (Megías & Moreno, 2022).
Civic education should be part of the participatory process as a prior and ongoing step, thus ensuring informed and committed participation. Furthermore, equal opportunities must be guaranteed for all social classes, regardless of geographical location, educational level, or virtual access (Freire, 2023).
Methodologically, this study takes a quantitative approach with a non-experimental and descriptive proposal, allowing for the examination of various factors that increase the level of political disaffection among citizens.
Political disaffection in Lambayeque requires a comprehensive response that includes not only changes in traditional participation mechanisms but also accessible technological tools and civic education programs that encourage citizens to engage with subnational politics. The reconstruction of the conventional participation model needs not only to be digitized but also to foster an inclusive mindset regarding participation, thus instilling greater credibility in political institutions (González & Salvatierra, 2021).
The study aimed to propose a model of conventional participation to mitigate political disaffection in Lambayeque, Peru. The specific objective was to determine the factors that lead to political disengagement in Lambayeque, Peru.
Finally, the following hypothesis was proposed: The implementation of an innovative citizen participation model in Lambayeque, Peru, will contribute to mitigating political disengagement.
Regarding international background, the study by Neves (2024) was cited, which analyzed the democratic discontent of youth and how this behavior can lead to democratic deconsolidation in various European contexts. The results revealed that the discontent of young people has become institutionalized non-democratic patterns, which has diminished their commitment to democracy. The study by Megías and Moreno (2022) aimed to verify the impact of social participation on reducing political disaffection in urban municipalities or districts in Germany, France, and Spain, with results indicating that as the level of social participation increases, a defined segment of politics can benefit. Similarly, Cárdenas (2022) identified the different characteristics or peculiarities of the political culture of voters regarding municipal candidates in a city like Bogotá, resulting in the finding that limited political knowledge allowed unsuitable political representatives to be elected, generating a proven disaffection characterized by distrust and distancing from institutions.
On the other hand, Alaminos et al. (2024) in their study propose characterizing political disaffection in a Latin American context, with results indicating that there are alternatives under which it is possible to define a historical-social subject, creating new patterns in democracy.
In the Peruvian context, Núñez Lira et al. (2020) examine the functioning of the structural problems facing politics in Peru, with a special emphasis on how citizens confront representative democracy. The results showed that the level of distrust in political institutions is increasingly higher, leading to a phenomenon of political disaffection over the past few years. Finally, Murakami and Pozsgai (2024) examined the factors that have contributed to the growing crisis of trust and political discouragement in various regions of Peru, concluding that fewer people participate in politics in general, as a consequence of unmet electoral promises.
Regarding the study variables, we have:
Political science has reached a broad consensus indicating that citizen participation through institutional channels is a fundamental component of representative democracy. Conventional political participation is understood as the actions citizens undertake, in an established manner, to influence public decision-making through mechanisms that are formalized and legally recognized within the political system (Dahl, 1989; Norris, 2011).
From the perspective of participatory democracy, Dahl (1989) emphasizes that the democratic quality of a system is proportional to the degree of engagement that the population demonstrates in deliberation and decision-making processes, which in turn enhances the quality of public management and strengthens the legitimacy of the system. Thus, conventional participation is expressed through channels such as voting, involvement in political parties, political organization or activism, attendance and engagement in community assemblies, and participation in public consultations or hearings (Castellanos, 2020; Garrido & Sáenz, 2020).
Political disaffection is the second central construct of this study and has become essential for understanding the current relationship between citizens and the political system. Traditionally, the “good citizen” was considered to be well informed, to maintain a reasonable level of trust in institutions, and to participate mostly through conventional mechanisms such as voting and party involvement (Dalton, 2008). However, recent literature shows that this model has deteriorated, giving rise to more critical, skeptical, and institutionally distant citizens.
Political disaffection can be described as the process through which individuals or groups disengage emotionally and cognitively from democratic institutions and political actors, losing their sense of belonging, identification, and trust in democratic governance (Witteveen et al., 2022; Torcal & Montero, 2006). This phenomenon manifests in three fundamental components:
Institutional distrust: the perception that government, parliament, political parties, and other institutions do not act in the public interest but serve particular or corrupt interests.
Political fatigue or cynicism: a sense of saturation caused by political conflict, unfulfilled promises, and recurring scandals, often accompanied by a generally negative view of politics (Norris, 2011).
Affective distancing: loss of identification with parties, representatives, or political projects, which results in apathy, indifference, or even active rejection of organized politics.
This conceptualization aligns with Norris’s (2011) notion of “critical citizens,” who maintain high normative expectations while exhibiting low levels of trust in existing institutions. However, while some critical citizens channel their dissatisfaction through alternative forms of participation (protests, NGOs, social movements), others express their disaffection through abstention and political withdrawal.
The study is part of an applied investigation with a non-experimental, cross-sectional, quantitative, descriptive, and propositional design (Hernández & Mendoza, 2018). The objective of this study was to establish a proposal to describe and measure the levels of political disaffection, not through the proactive manipulation of the variable, but through observation as it occurs in the real context.
The target population consisted of adult citizens registered in the electoral roll of the context under study.
A non-probabilistic, intentional quota sampling technique was used to select the sample. From the outset, the process relied on a panel of potential participants, citizens listed in the electoral register, who had previously expressed their willingness to participate in social research. From this panel, individuals who met the inclusion criteria were invited as follows:
• Be 18 years of age or older.
• Be registered in the electoral roll of the corresponding area.
• Be willing to participate by receiving and signing the informed consent form.
• Exclusion of incomplete questionnaires or duplicate responses.
Invitations were sent via email and instant messaging, including a description of the study and a link to the online questionnaire. The data collection process remained active until 506 valid questionnaires were obtained, maintaining quotas by sex and area of residence. Our aim was to reproduce as closely as possible the structure of the electoral roll.
In order to characterize the composition of the sample, two key sociodemographic indicators were examined. Table 1 presents the distribution of participants by sex, whereas Table 2 details their distribution by area of residence. These variables were included to ensure that the sample structure reflects the demographic patterns of the electoral register of the district.
This process follows several stages to analyze the chosen study phenomenon within the study context. In the process, there are several important steps: starting with a general idea, formulating the problem, designing the methodology, sampling, collecting and processing the information, and interpreting-discussing the obtained results.
The technique used was a survey, administered collectively through a structured questionnaire directed at the 506 citizens who comprised the sample. The purpose of the instrument was to measure political disaffection through its different components, which are later described in the section on the various levels of political disaffection, distrust in institutions, and socio-political distancing.
The survey instrument was validated by the experienced opinion of individuals with extensive credentials and legitimacy to provide information, evidence, and judgment. The reliability of the tool was assessed using Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient, where the questionnaire achieved a score of 0.720, considered very reliable.
The data analysis was carried out using IBM SPSS Statistics 26, which facilitated the acquisition of precise and detailed descriptive results for each variable. This approach also enabled the verification of the hypotheses proposed in the research, ensuring the robustness and validity of the obtained results.
During the research process, 506 selected individuals participated, all of whom had provided their authorization and informed consent, which allowed us to have the necessary data for the development of the study. This consent was obtained in accordance with the principles of intellectual honesty, transparency, respect for intellectual property, and responsibility, according to the Code of Ethics in Research of UCV, version 02, approved by the Resolution of the University Council RCPU N.° 0659-2024-UCV. The research received approval from the Research Ethics Committee of the César Vallejo University (UCV). Indeed, in line with this same resolution, which governs all research conducted within the institution, it establishes the fundamental principles to protect participants as well as to ensure the scientific integrity of each process.
Based on the data obtained from the survey applied to the sample, a set of descriptive indicators was generated to characterize the main variables of the study. Table 3 summarizes the levels of political disaffection, Table 4 presents the distribution of institutional distrust, and Table 5 reports the levels of political–social distancing among participants.
| Levels | Political disaffection | |
|---|---|---|
| F | % | |
| Low Level | 185 | 36.6% |
| Medium Level | 177 | 35.0% |
| High Level | 144 | 28.5% |
| Total | 506 | 100.0% |
In the group of 506 people that made up this sample, the majority exhibited a Low level of political disaffection, with 36.6%, indicating that they are somewhat disconnected from the political life of their locality. A 28.5% showed high disaffection, suggesting a more distant or indifferent attitude toward politics, while only 35% displayed a medium level of disaffection, indicating that a small group still maintains commitment or interest in politics. The general trend is clearly toward political disaffection, but most subjects are positioned in moderate stances to better address or resolve these issues, leading to their participation being moderately null.
| Levels | Distrust in institutions | |
|---|---|---|
| F | % | |
| Perception of Corruption | 174 | 34.4% |
| Trust in the Judicial System | 177 | 35.0% |
| Trust in the Political System | 155 | 30.6% |
| Total | 506 | 100.0 |
In the sample of 506 people, distrust in institutions is reflected as follows: 35% trust in the justice system, indicating a higher degree of distrust regarding this institution. In contrast, 30.6% trust in politics as represented by Congress and the president, which attests to a certain lack of confidence in this area. Finally, 34.4% distrust according to the perception of corruption, which shows a widespread negative perspective on democratic institutions. In summary, trust in the justice system prevails, while distrust is more pronounced in the political system, which is perceived as corrupt.
| Levels | Political-social distancing | |
|---|---|---|
| F | % | |
| Electoral Participation | 178 | 35.2% |
| Political Interest | 223 | 44.1% |
| Electoral Relevance | 105 | 20.8% |
| Total | 506 | 100.0% |
The majority of people in the sample show a strong interest in politics, with 44.1% expressing concern, but only 35.2% are committed to actively participating in elections. This suggests that, while many people are drawn to political issues, few actually take action. Additionally, 20.8% believe that election results are not important. Thus, although political interest is high, the low electoral participation highlights a disconnect between enthusiasm for politics and the willingness to engage in electoral decisions. To visualize the relationships between the main findings and the proposed intervention, Figure 1 illustrates the structure of the participation model designed to mitigate political disaffection in Lambayeque.

Note. Prepared based on the questionnaire data.
The proposal presented in the article is an integrated model of conventional participation specifically designed to address political disaffection in Lambayeque. Its main objective is to reduce the medium to high levels of disaffection revealed by the study’s findings, leveraging the high political interest observed among these populations to promote their political engagement. The model pursues this objective through three components: normative and institutional reconfiguration, a broad conventional participation mechanism, and the strengthening of civic education and digital literacy, which work together to address different dimensions of political disaffection.
First, Axes 1 and 2 focus on the institutional dimension, proposing the updating and effective implementation of participation regulations, active transparency, citizen observatories, and hybrid public hearings. This axis addresses institutional distrust and perceptions of corruption by introducing mechanisms that increase transparency and enhance the visibility of public actions. Second, Axis 3 proposes a multichannel device for conventional participation that integrates in-person channels (assemblies, participatory budgeting) and digital channels (online consultations, livestreamed sessions, virtual forms), with differentiated inclusion and accessibility criteria for urban and rural areas. In doing so, the model responds to the political–social disengagement identified in the study by overcoming the geographic, technological, and socioeconomic barriers that currently hinder participation.
Finally, Axis 4 centers on citizen culture-building, civic education, digital literacy, leadership training, and advocacy campaigns that emphasize the importance of voting and citizen oversight. This axis is grounded in empirical evidence showing that although there is genuine political interest, it does not translate into participation nor into the use of conventional mechanisms. Essentially, the proposal is not merely descriptive of participation and disengagement; it is anchored in prescriptive models from the literature, particularly participatory democracy in Dahl and civic voluntarism in Verba. In this way, the article moves from a general discussion to an operationalizable model that directly connects the empirical findings with a normative, institutional, and pedagogical design aimed at rebuilding the relationship between citizens and political institutions.
The results obtained in this research reflect a clear political disaffection among the population of the Lambayeque district. The majority of respondents show a medium level of political detachment, indicating a disconnection of citizens from the current political situation. However, a significant group also exhibits a high level of disaffection, reflecting a marked disinterest in political processes. This trend aligns with previous studies, such as Neves (2024), which observed high levels of democratic discontent in Europe, especially among young people, which could have parallels in the Peruvian context, albeit with unique characteristics in provincial regions.
The analysis of distrust in institutions reveals that the perception of corruption is one of the factors that most undermines citizens’ trust, affecting 23.3% of respondents. This perception coincides with the findings of Cárdenas (2022), who indicated that both misinformation and distrust in political representatives contribute to political disaffection. Moreover, the judicial system and the presidential administration are viewed with skepticism, with a 44.9% distrust towards the judicial system. These data corroborate the widespread perception that political institutions do not meet citizens’ expectations, something that Alaminos et al. (2024) refer to as key in the disconnection between politics and citizens.
Regarding electoral participation, the results show a low voting rate, indicating that many citizens feel demotivated or skeptical about the real impact of their vote on political decisions. This finding aligns with studies by Murakami and Pozsgai (2024), which detected a similar phenomenon in various regions of Peru, where indifference towards politics seems to have grown, despite interest in political issues. It can be inferred that, in addition to a lack of interest or knowledge, disaffection is also profoundly influenced by the perception of corruption and the ineffectiveness of political and judicial institutions. Studies by Cazorla et al. (2022) on disaffection in Latin America highlight how media can influence the exacerbation or moderation of these feelings of disconnection.
It is important to note that, although political interest remains high, the effectiveness of that interest in actual participation is limited. While citizens are informed about politics, many do not feel that their participation has a tangible impact, a phenomenon also observed in other contexts, as evidenced in Jiménez’s (2022) study on the relationship between social participation and political disaffection. This study indicated that increasing participation does not always reduce the gap between citizens and politics.
In conclusion, the results reveal that a large part of the population in Lambayeque has disconnected from politics in daily life, recording a general discomfort that may be reflected in upcoming elections, as that interest that does not translate into action is meaningless. The general distrust in institutions, especially the feeling of corruption, has fostered this detachment. Moreover, the results indicate a rejection of the political system; however, although many are knowledgeable about politics, the feeling of participation is one of impotence.
In the research process, 506 individuals selected from the population participated. It all began with sending an email to each participant, requesting their informed consent, which we received in writing through the same channel. Additionally, each participant was provided with a detailed explanation of the study, its objectives, and the methodologies we would use. For data collection, we used various digital tools, such as live meetings via Zoom and surveys through Google Forms, ensuring the privacy of the responses at all times.
All participants in this study provided their informed consent before their participation. A written informed consent form was provided, detailing the study objectives, the procedures to be followed, the benefits and potential risks, as well as the confidentiality conditions. Participants signed the document before completing the questionnaire. The study was conducted in accordance with the Institutional Research Ethics Committee of César Vallejo University, under approval number RCU No. 0659-2024-UCV, ensuring compliance with the ethical principles established in the Declaration of Helsinki and the applicable national regulations.
No exemption from consent was granted by the ethics committee, as the study’s methodology involved data collection through a questionnaire. It was considered essential to ensure that each participant explicitly and formally provided their consent.
Additionally, participants were guaranteed the right to withdraw at any time without repercussions, and the confidentiality of the provided information was ensured by using coded responses to prevent any possibility of personal identification.
Zenodo. Reinventing Conventional Participation: A Model to Mitigate Political Disaffection in Lambayeque, Peru: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14900621(Villanueva et al., 2025).
This article contains the following underlying data:
Figure 1. Political_Disaffection.png
Note: Created based on questionnaire data, Page 8 of 15
This project includes the following expanded data:
Data are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC-BY 4.0).
Zenodo. Reinventing Conventional Participation: A Model to Mitigate Political Disaffection in Lambayeque, Peru. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14900621 (Villanueva et al., 2025).
Data are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC-BY 4.0).
| Views | Downloads | |
|---|---|---|
| F1000Research | - | - |
|
PubMed Central
Data from PMC are received and updated monthly.
|
- | - |
Is the work clearly and accurately presented and does it cite the current literature?
Partly
Is the study design appropriate and is the work technically sound?
No
Are sufficient details of methods and analysis provided to allow replication by others?
Partly
If applicable, is the statistical analysis and its interpretation appropriate?
Partly
Are all the source data underlying the results available to ensure full reproducibility?
Partly
Are the conclusions drawn adequately supported by the results?
No
Competing Interests: No competing interests were disclosed.
Reviewer Expertise: Communication and media effects, political participation, digital media, communication processes and mechanisms.
Alongside their report, reviewers assign a status to the article:
| Invited Reviewers | |
|---|---|
| 1 | |
|
Version 2 (revision) 16 Jan 26 |
|
|
Version 1 17 Mar 25 |
read |
Provide sufficient details of any financial or non-financial competing interests to enable users to assess whether your comments might lead a reasonable person to question your impartiality. Consider the following examples, but note that this is not an exhaustive list:
Sign up for content alerts and receive a weekly or monthly email with all newly published articles
Already registered? Sign in
The email address should be the one you originally registered with F1000.
You registered with F1000 via Google, so we cannot reset your password.
To sign in, please click here.
If you still need help with your Google account password, please click here.
You registered with F1000 via Facebook, so we cannot reset your password.
To sign in, please click here.
If you still need help with your Facebook account password, please click here.
If your email address is registered with us, we will email you instructions to reset your password.
If you think you should have received this email but it has not arrived, please check your spam filters and/or contact for further assistance.
Comments on this article Comments (0)