Keywords
conventional participation, political disaffection, trust, perception actitud
This article is included in the Political Communications gateway.
In a district of the Lambayeque province, significant levels of political disaffection are evident, expressed through institutional distrust and political-social distancing between citizens and government institutions. Although participatory mechanisms remain formally in place within democratic systems, there is a growing need for propositional approaches that strengthen conventional political participation. The study aimed to propose a framework of conventional participation associated with the mitigate political disaffection in Lambayeque, Peru. The research adopted a quantitative approach with a non-experimental, descriptive-propositional design. Data were collected through a structured Questionnaire to a non-probabilistic intentional sample of 506. The results show predominant levels of political disaffection, characterized by distrust in political and judicial institutions, perceptions of corruption, low electoral participation, and a marked gap between political interest and civic engagement. The findings indicate that conventional participatory practices are associated with variations in citizens’ political perceptions, highlighting the need for institutional strategies that promote trust and active involvement.
conventional participation, political disaffection, trust, perception actitud
First, the title was revised by replacing the term “model” with “A Propositional Framework” to avoid expectations of empirical validation inconsistent with the descriptive–propositional nature of the study. The abstract was also corrected to resolve the sampling inconsistency, specifying the use of a non-probabilistic intentional quota sampling rather than a random sample. In addition, the language was reformulated to avoid causal interpretations, replacing terms such as “impact” with descriptive and associative expressions. The dimensions of political disaffection, institutional distrust and political–social distancing, were clearly specified, along with their operationalization. Keywords were optimized by incorporating standardized terms to improve academic indexing and conceptual precision.
Substantive revisions were also made to the introduction, theoretical framework, and methodology. The spatial scope was clearly defined as the district of Lambayeque, province of Lambayeque, Peru, and the literature gap was explicitly identified, emphasizing the lack of socioculturally contextualized propositional frameworks in northern Peru. The relationship between objective, hypothesis, and design was harmonized by reformulating the hypothesis as a propositional expectation and clarifying that no causal inference was intended. The theoretical framework was strengthened by distinguishing conventional and non-conventional participation and defining political disaffection as a multidimensional construct. Methodologically, the sampling approach was standardized, potential biases were acknowledged, and the instrument description was expanded, including items, modules, scale, and classification criteria.
Finally, revisions addressed validity, reliability, analysis, and results presentation. The expert judgment validation process was clarified, and reliability was interpreted according to the instrument’s multidimensional structure. References to hypothesis testing were removed, the analysis was explicitly defined as descriptive, the figure was reframed as a conceptual proposal, and conclusions were aligned with the study’s scope, limitations, data availability, and APA reference standards.
See the authors' detailed response to the review by Victor Hugo Puican Rodríguez
See the authors' detailed response to the review by Teresa Gil López
Traditional forms of participation, such as popular consultations, public hearings, and municipal councils, have proven to be unviable for actively involving citizens in both local and national politics (Berlanga et al., 2023). In the district of Lambayeque, Province of Lambayeque, Peru, these limitations are particulary evidente due to geographical, socioeconomic, and technological barriers that restrict citizens’ access to these spaces for meaningful participation (Díaz, 2022). These barriers contribute to political disaffection, whereby citizens negatively evaluate their authorities and distance themselves from political affairs (Duárez, 2022). In this regard, it is necessary to create a renewed model that leverages new forms of participation and high-technology tools to increase society’s interaction with authorities (Jara et al., 2021).
Global studies indicate that inclusive and adaptable participation mechanisms are essential for engaging marginalized groups and fostering sustained involvement in decision-making processes (Affre et al., 2024). Likewise, analyses of political disaffection in Latin America show that interest in politics and institutional trust are central dimensions for understanding citizen disengagement, and that these dimensions must be carefully operationalized when proposing participatory frameworks (Cazorla-Martín et al., 2022). At the same time, inequalities between urban and rural areas continue to generate a profound gap in access to political participation processes. Rural communities, with strong ties to land and agricultural livelihoods, often remain disconnected from political decision-making spaces, fostering a sense of anti-political alienation (Canaza, 2024). This phenomenon not only limits effective representation but also hinders the formulation of public policies that adequately respond to local needs; therefore, any redesign of conventional participation models must prioritize social integration through more open and equitable systems (Martínez et al., 2022).
In the Peruvian context, the literature reveals a persistent struggle to rebuild public trust and strengthen legitimate citizen participation. For example, recent research in Peru highlights that participatory mechanisms are positively valued when they generate verifiable outcomes, feedback, and continuity, whereas symbolic or bureaucratic processes reinforce perceptions of exclusion and institutional distrust (Rodríguez, 2024). This suggests that citizen participation models need to be redesigned to respond to citizens’ expectations and sociocultural realities. A fundamental element in reshaping participatory frameworks is the integration of digital technologies, which offer unique opportunities to overcome the physical and social barriers inherent in conventional participation; however, significant challenges remain, particularly in rural areas where internet access and digital literacy are limited (Jara et al., 2021).
To some extent, reinventing participation models involves not only technological but also the expansión of civic education approaches (Rodríguez, 2024). Political disaffection is closely linked to limited knowledge of participatory mechanisms and the exercise of civic rights, making it essential to implement programs that strengthen political culture and civic responsibility (Moyano & Solís, 2021). Such initiatives should equip citizens not only with awareness of the importance of participation but also with concrete tools for effective political and social engagement (Megías & Moreno, 2022).
Civic education should therefore be conceived as both a preliminary and continuous component of participatory processes, ensuring informed and committed involvement across all social sectors (Freire, 2023).
Despite these advances, a gap remains in the literature regarding propositional frameworks of conventional participation that are socioculturally adapted to subnational contexts in Peru, particularly in rural and peri-urban districts of the northern regions. Existing studies tend to offer qualitative interpretations of participation mechanisms or focus on specific sectors, without providing structured propositional models that directly link the operational dimensions of participation with measures of institutional distrust, political-social distancing, and civic engagement.
This study addresses this gap by proposing a propositional framework to mitigate political disaffection in the study context. Methodologically, the research follows a quantitative, non-experimental design with a descriptive and propositional approach, which is appropriate for examining factors related to political disaffection and conventional participation without establishing causality.
The specific objective of this research was to identify and describe the factors associated with political disengagement among citizens of Lambayeque, Peru. Given the descriptive nature of the study, the hypothesis is formulated as a propositional expectation: political disaffection in the district of Lambayeque is manifested primarily through institutional distrust and political-social distancing, which are associated with low levels of conventional citizen participation. By descriptively delineating how these factors relate within a specific subnational context, this study contributes to the development of grounded frameworks for strengthening citizen participation, offering empirical inputs for local democratic governance and participatory interventions (González & Salvatierra, 2021).
Regarding international background, the study by Neves (2024) was cited, which analyzed the democratic discontent of youth and how this behavior can lead to democratic deconsolidation in various European contexts. The results revealed that the discontent of young people has become institutionalized non-democratic patterns, which has diminished their commitment to democracy. The study by Megías and Moreno (2022) aimed to verify the impact of social participation on reducing political disaffection in urban municipalities or districts in Germany, France, and Spain, with results indicating that as the level of social participation increases, a defined segment of politics can benefit. Similarly, Cárdenas (2022) identified the different characteristics or peculiarities of the political culture of voters regarding municipal candidates in a city like Bogotá, resulting in the finding that limited political knowledge allowed unsuitable political representatives to be elected, generating a proven disaffection characterized by distrust and distancing from institutions.
On the other hand, Alaminos et al. (2024) in their study propose characterizing political disaffection in a Latin American context, with results indicating that there are alternatives under which it is possible to define a historical-social subject, creating new patterns in democracy.
In the Peruvian context, Núñez Lira et al. (2020) examine the functioning of the structural problems facing politics in Peru, with a special emphasis on how citizens confront representative democracy. The results showed that the level of distrust in political institutions is increasingly higher, leading to a phenomenon of political disaffection over the past few years. Finally, Murakami and Pozsgai (2024) examined the factors that have contributed to the growing crisis of trust and political discouragement in various regions of Peru, concluding that fewer people participate in politics in general, as a consequence of unmet electoral promises.
Regarding the study variables, we have:
Political science has reached a broad consensus indicating that citizen participation through institutional channels is a fundamental component of representative democracy. Conventional political participation is understood as the actions citizens undertake, in an established manner, to influence public decision-making through mechanisms that are formalized and legally recognized within the political system (Dahl, 1989; Norris, 2011). From the perspective of participatory democracy, Dahl (1989) emphasizes that the democratic quality of a system is proportional to the degree of engagement that the population demonstrates in deliberation and decision-making processes, which enhances the quality of public management and strengthens system legitimacy. Thus, conventional participation is expressed through channels such as voting, involvement in political parties, political organization or activism, attendance and engagement in community assemblies, and participation in public consultations or hearings (Castellanos, 2020; Garrido & Sáenz, 2020).
Classical models of conventional participation offer a deeper understanding of its role in contemporary democracy. The civic voluntarism model proposed by Verba et al. (1995) argues that conventional political participation is determined by key factors such as resources (time, money, civic skills), mobilization (invitations or stimuli from organizations and institutions), and motivations (political interest, sense of civic duty, political efficacy).
Within this framework, voting, campaign contributions, party membership, and participation in grassroots organizations are characteristic forms of conventional political engagement. Complementarily, Norris (2011) distinguishes between institutional participation (voting, party activity, contacting authorities) and non-institutional or cause-oriented participation (protests, boycotts, digital activism), highlighting that citizens often combine repertoires depending on trust and value orientations.
Political participation is frequently interpreted along a continuum ranging from conventional to non-conventional actions. Research in comparative contexts has shown that conventional participation refers to institutionalized acts directly linked to the political system (e.g., voting, party involvement), whereas non-conventional forms encompass extra-institutional activism such as protests, demonstrations, and market-based political actions like boycotts (Bee & Kaya, 2017). This distinction is crucial because non-conventional participation often arises as a response to institutional disengagement, offering alternative avenues for expressing political demands outside formal channels (Bee & Kaya, 2017). Indeed, experiments indicate that perceptions of political efficacy and institutional trust influence whether individuals engage through conventional or non-conventional modes, particularly in digitally mediated environments (Valdés, 2026).
These comparative insights reinforce that conventional participation remains foundational for democratic input legitimacy, while non-conventional forms play an increasingly prominent role as citizens become disaffected with traditional institutions. Understanding these distinctions helps justify the analytical focus on conventional participation in contexts marked by political distrust and distancing.
While core elements of conventional participation (voting, membership, meeting attendance, contacting representatives) have remained relatively stable, their meaning and exercise have evolved due to digitalization and institutional distrust. On the one hand, digital contexts facilitate access to information and dissemination of political messages, potentially enhancing conventional channels by increasing political interest and knowledge. On the other hand, information overload, polarization, and misinformation, combined with perceived elite detachment, may erode motivation to engage through institutional channels, pushing citizens toward alternative activism (Torcal & Montero, 2006).
Recent research on political disaffection and digital participation in Latin America finds that disaffected citizens exhibit distinct patterns of civic behaviour online and offline, indicating that digital participation does not simply replace conventional forms but interacts with them in complex ways shaped by trust and engagement patterns (Cazorla-Martín et al., 2022).
Thus, conventional participation exists in a constant state of tension: it remains the legitimate and formal avenue for influencing public decision-making but competes with alternative modes of participation that may seem more attractive to citizens disenchanted with institutions. This tension is particularly evident in contexts marked by political disaffection, where the relationship between citizens and institutions is increasingly weak.
Political disaffection is conceptualized in this study as a multidimensional construct that reflects citizens’ progressive detachment from democratic institutions and conventional political processes. In line with contemporary political behavior research, disaffection does not operate as a single attitudinal state but is expressed through specific and measurable dimensions related to trust and engagement.
In operational terms, political disaffection is not treated as an abstract variable but is measured through two internal dimensions: institutional distrust and political-social distancing, which together capture the cognitive and behavioral manifestations of disengagement.
Institutional distrust refers to negative perceptions regarding the integrity, effectiveness, and legitimacy of public institutions. In this study, it is operationalized through citizens’ evaluations of three institutional spheres.
Trust in the judicial system
Trust in the political system (Congress and executive authorities)
These indicators jointly reflect the degree to which individuals perceive institutions as unreliable or self-serving, constituting a core cognitive component of political disaffection.
Political-social distancing captures the affective and behavioral separation between citizens and conventional political life. It is operationalized through:
Level of electoral participation
Degree of political interest
Perceived relevance of elections
This dimension reflects the gap between political awareness and actual civic engagement, indicating withdrawal from institutional participation despite informational exposure.
The study is framed within an applied research with a non-experimental, cross-sectional, quantitative, descriptive, and propositional design (Hernández & Mendoza, 2018). Its purpose to describe and systematize empirical information on political disaffection and conventional political participation as they occur in the real context, without manipulating variables or establishing causal relationships.
Under this approach, the research focuses on identifying patterns and levels of the observed dimensions of political disaffection, which serve as the empirical basis for the development of a propositional framework of conventional participation adapted to the Lambayeque context. Consequently, the study does not seek to test explanatory hypotheses, but rather to generate descriptive evidence that supports the formulation of participatory strategies grounded in the social dynamics observed.
The target population consisted of adult citizens registered in the electoral roll of the context under study.
A non-probabilistic intentional quota sampling technique was employed to select the sample. The recruitment process relied on a panel of potential participants composed of citizens listed in the electoral register, who had previously expressed their willingness to participate in social research. From this panel, individuals who met the inclusion criteria were invited according to predefined quotas of sex and area of residence, in order to approximate the demographic structure of the electoral roll.
• Being 18 years of age or older.
• Being registered in the electoral roll of the corresponding area.
• Providing informed consent to participate.
• Exclusion of incomplete questionnaires or duplicate responses.
Invitations were distributed via email and instant messaging, including a description of the study and a link to the online questionnaire. Data collection continued until 506 valid responses were obtained, respeting the established quotas.
In order to characterize the composition of the sample, two key sociodemographic indicators were examined. Table 1 presents the distribution of participants by sex, whereas Table 2 details their distribution by area of residence. These variables were included to ensure that the sample structure reflects the demographic patterns of the electoral register of the district.
1. Review of the literature and identification of core research problems
2. Definition of variables and design or adaptation of measurement instruments
3. Selection of the sampling strategy and establishment of participant recruitment procedures
4. Distribution of invitations and collection of informed consent
5. Administration of the questionnaire via an online platform
6. Data cleaning and coding
7. Statistical analysis and interpretation of results
The technique employed was a survey, administered collectively through a structured questionnaire addressed to the 506 citizens who comprised the sample. The instrument aimed to measure political disaffection through its conceptual components, operationalized into specific modules and dimensions.
The questionnaire consisted of a total of 18 items, distributed across two dimensions.
The instrument was subjected to validation through expert judgment, involving professionals with experience in social research and political analysis, who assessed the relevance, clarity, and coherence of the items in relation to the theoretical dimensions of political disaffection. Based on their observations, wording adjustments and improvements in conceptual precision were made prior to its final application.
The reliability of the questionnaire was estimated using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. In an initial overall assessment, the instrument reached a value of α = 0.720, which is considered acceptable for social science research.
However, given that the questionnaire was structured into distinct modules and dimensions, reliability was primarily interpreted at the subscale level, which is methodologically more appropriate for multidimensional instruments. This procedure allowed for the verification of the internal consistency of each component of the construct, avoiding the assumption of a unidimensional structure of the phenomenon under study.
The data analysis was carried out using IBM SPSS Statistics 26, which facilitated the acquisition of precise and detailed descriptive results for each variable. This approach allowed for the systematic examination of the levels and distributions of political disaffection, distrust in institutions, and political–social distancing, ensuring the clarity and reliability of the reported findings.
During the research process, 506 selected individuals participated, all of whom had provided their authorization and informed consent, which allowed us to have the necessary data for the development of the study. This consent was obtained in accordance with the principles of intellectual honesty, transparency, respect for intellectual property, and responsibility, according to the Code of Ethics in Research of UCV, version 02, approved by the Resolution of the University Council RCPU N.° 0659-2024-UCV. The research received approval from the Research Ethics Committee of the César Vallejo University (UCV). Indeed, in line with this same resolution, which governs all research conducted within the institution, it establishes the fundamental principles to protect participants as well as to ensure the scientific integrity of each process.
Based on the data obtained from the survey applied to the sample, a set of descriptive indicators was generated to characterize the main variables of the study. Table 3 summarizes the levels of political disaffection, Table 4 presents the distribution of institutional distrust, and Table 5 reports the levels of political–social distancing among participants.
| Levels | Political disaffection | |
|---|---|---|
| F | % | |
| Low Level | 185 | 36.6% |
| Medium Level | 177 | 35.0% |
| High Level | 144 | 28.5% |
| Total | 506 | 100.0% |
| Levels | Distrust in institutions | |
|---|---|---|
| F | % | |
| Perception of Corruption | 174 | 34.4% |
| Trust in the Judicial System | 177 | 35.0% |
| Trust in the Political System | 155 | 30.6% |
| Total | 506 | 100.0 |
| Levels | Political-social distancing | |
|---|---|---|
| F | % | |
| Electoral Participation | 178 | 35.2% |
| Political Interest | 223 | 44.1% |
| Electoral Relevance | 105 | 20.8% |
| Total | 506 | 100.0% |
The data show that 36.6% of participants exhibit a low level of political disaffection, 35% show a medium level, and 28.5% report a high level. This indicates that most citizens are moderately disengaged from local political life. These percentages describe the sample’s distribution without implying causal relationships.
Distrust in institutions is a key dimension of political disaffection. In this sample, 35% of respondents expressed trust in the judicial system, 30.6% in the political system, and 34.4% reported distrust based on the perception of corruption. These results describe how institutional distrust is distributed across participants, highlighting variation among institutional types.
Political–social distancing is reflected in three indicators. While 44.1% of respondents show interest in political issues, only 35.2% actively participate in elections. Additionally, 20.8% perceive electoral outcomes as irrelevant. These figures illustrate a gap between political interest and active participation, a central element of political disaffection.
The proposal presented in the article is an integrated model of conventional participation specifically designed to address political disaffection in Lambayeque. Its main objective is to reduce the medium to high levels of disaffection revealed by the study’s findings, leveraging the high political interest observed among these populations to promote their political engagement. The model pursues this objective through three components: normative and institutional reconfiguration, a broad conventional participation mechanism, and the strengthening of civic education and digital literacy, which work together to address different dimensions of political disaffection.
First, Axes 1 and 2 focus on the institutional dimension, proposing the updating and effective implementation of participation regulations, active transparency, citizen observatories, and hybrid public hearings. This axis addresses institutional distrust and perceptions of corruption by introducing mechanisms that increase transparency and enhance the visibility of public actions. Second, Axis 3 proposes a multichannel device for conventional participation that integrates in-person channels (assemblies, participatory budgeting) and digital channels (online consultations, livestreamed sessions, virtual forms), with differentiated inclusion and accessibility criteria for urban and rural areas. In doing so, the model responds to the political–social disengagement identified in the study by overcoming the geographic, technological, and socioeconomic barriers that currently hinder participation.
Finally, Axis 4 centers on citizen culture-building, civic education, digital literacy, leadership training, and advocacy campaigns that emphasize the importance of voting and citizen oversight. This axis is grounded in empirical evidence showing that although there is genuine political interest, it does not translate into participation nor into the use of conventional mechanisms. Essentially, the proposal is not merely descriptive of participation and disengagement; it is anchored in prescriptive models from the literature, particularly participatory democracy in Dahl and civic voluntarism in Verba. In this way, the article moves from a general discussion to an operationalizable model that directly connects the empirical findings with a normative, institutional, and pedagogical design aimed at rebuilding the relationship between citizens and political institutions.
The results of this study reflect moderate to high levels of political disaffection among the population of the Lambayeque district. According to Table 3, 36.6% of respondents exhibit a low level of disaffection, 35% a medium level, and 28.5% a high level. These distributions indicate that a substantial portion of the population experiences some degree of disengagement from political life, with a smaller but significant group showing marked detachment. This pattern is consistent with previous research, such as Neves (2024), who observed high levels of democratic discontent in Europe, particularly among youth, which may have parallels in provincial contexts in Peru.
Analysis of the distrust in institutions, one of the main dimensions of political disaffection, shows that the perception of corruption is reported by 34.4% of participants, trust in the judicial system by 35%, and trust in the political system by 30.6% (Table 4). These results indicate variability in institutional trust, with the political system being the most questioned. This finding aligns with Cárdenas (2022), who highlighted that misinformation and skepticism toward political representatives contribute to citizens’ detachment. Similarly, Alaminos et al. (2024) note that low institutional credibility is central to the gap between citizens and political processes.
Regarding political–social distancing, the results (Table 5) show that although 44.1% of respondents express political interest, only 35.2% participate actively in electoral processes, and 20.8% perceive elections as irrelevant. These figures reflect a discrepancy between interest in politics and actual engagement, a phenomenon also documented by Murakami and Pozsgai (2024) in various Peruvian regions. The data suggest that citizens may be attentive to political issues without translating that attention into concrete participation, highlighting the importance of distinguishing political interest from effective participation Jiménez’s (2022).
Media influence and perceptions of institutional performance appear to shape these attitudes, as noted by Cazorla et al. (2022) in studies on Latin American contexts. In this study, distrust in institutions and moderate levels of political–social distancing are the main components that describe the observed disaffection, without implying direct causality.
Overall, the findings indicate that citizens in Lambayeque display moderate political disaffection characterized by distrust in institutions and partial disengagement from formal political processes. While political awareness remains relatively high, this does not necessarily translate into active participation, suggesting a gap between information/interest and civic action.
In the research process, 506 individuals selected from the population participated. It all began with sending an email to each participant, requesting their informed consent, which we received in writing through the same channel. Additionally, each participant was provided with a detailed explanation of the study, its objectives, and the methodologies we would use. For data collection, we used various digital tools, such as live meetings via Zoom and surveys through Google Forms, ensuring the privacy of the responses at all times. The development of the article followed the guidelines established in the “Research Ethics Code” of César Vallejo University, approved by the University Council Resolution N° 659-2024-UCV on August 29, 2024.
Zenodo. Reinventing Conventional Participation: A Model to Mitigate Political Disaffection in Lambayeque, Peru: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14900621(Villanueva et al., 2025).
This article contains the following underlying data:
Figure 1. Political_Disaffection.png

Note. Prepared based on the questionnaire data.
Note: Created based on questionnaire data, Page 8 of 15
This project includes the following expanded data:
Data are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC-BY 4.0).
Zenodo. Reinventing Conventional Participation: A Model to Mitigate Political Disaffection in Lambayeque, Peru. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14900621 (Villanueva et al., 2025).
Data are available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC-BY 4.0).
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Competing Interests: No competing interests were disclosed.
Reviewer Expertise: Political communication, citizen participation, and democratic governance.
Is the work clearly and accurately presented and does it cite the current literature?
Yes
Is the study design appropriate and is the work technically sound?
Yes
Are sufficient details of methods and analysis provided to allow replication by others?
Yes
If applicable, is the statistical analysis and its interpretation appropriate?
Yes
Are all the source data underlying the results available to ensure full reproducibility?
Yes
Are the conclusions drawn adequately supported by the results?
Yes
Competing Interests: No competing interests were disclosed.
Reviewer Expertise: Ciencias Sociales.
Is the work clearly and accurately presented and does it cite the current literature?
Partly
Is the study design appropriate and is the work technically sound?
Partly
Are sufficient details of methods and analysis provided to allow replication by others?
Partly
If applicable, is the statistical analysis and its interpretation appropriate?
Partly
Are all the source data underlying the results available to ensure full reproducibility?
Yes
Are the conclusions drawn adequately supported by the results?
Partly
Competing Interests: No competing interests were disclosed.
Reviewer Expertise: Political communication, citizen participation, and democratic governance.
Is the work clearly and accurately presented and does it cite the current literature?
Partly
Is the study design appropriate and is the work technically sound?
No
Are sufficient details of methods and analysis provided to allow replication by others?
Partly
If applicable, is the statistical analysis and its interpretation appropriate?
Partly
Are all the source data underlying the results available to ensure full reproducibility?
Partly
Are the conclusions drawn adequately supported by the results?
No
Competing Interests: No competing interests were disclosed.
Reviewer Expertise: Communication and media effects, political participation, digital media, communication processes and mechanisms.
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