Keywords
Abandonment, dropout, students, university, indigenous, higher education.
University dropout among indigenous students is a multifactorial phenomenon that significantly impacts education and equity. This systematic review aimed to consolidate global evidence on risk and protective factors associated with university dropout among indigenous populations.
A systematic review was conducted following PRISMA 2020 criteria, encompassing ten databases (Web of Science, Scopus, LILACS, Dialnet, PubMed/MEDLINE, Redalyc, Scielo, DOAJ, Latindex, and CLASE) from October 29, 2024, to November 30, 2024. Out of 23,403 initial records, 21 studies met the inclusion criteria, analyzing indigenous university students and their educational trajectories. Two independent reviewers conducted the study selection and data extraction, ensuring minimized bias. Variables included demographic characteristics, geographic context, academic field, dropout rates, and related factors. Results were synthesized through descriptive analysis, focusing on quantitative data.
Among the 226,049 participants across 21 studies, only 2,340 (1.03%) were indigenous university students, predominantly from South America (9/21 studies). The average dropout rate was 33.59%, ranging from 20% to 66%, with the highest rates reported among female students in six studies (28.57%). However, three studies highlighted higher dropout rates among male students (14.29%). Economic barriers were the primary risk factor (85.7%), followed by linguistic challenges (47.6%) and geographic limitations (33.3%). Protective factors included financial support (76.2%), academic mentorship (47.6%), and social support (42.8%). Public universities accounted for most participants (17/21 studies), with limited representation from private institutions. Despite significant dropout rates, only seven studies provided detailed prevalence data.
This review highlights systemic inequities contributing to indigenous university dropout, emphasizing economic, linguistic, and geographic barriers. While financial support and mentorship are effective interventions, their implementation remains inconsistent. Addressing these disparities through targeted policies, culturally inclusive curricula, and equitable resource distribution is essential to reducing dropout rates and fostering academic retention among indigenous students.
Abandonment, dropout, students, university, indigenous, higher education.
This revised version presents substantial improvements across all sections of the manuscript. The Introduction has been extensively strengthened by incorporating a clearer conceptual definition of university dropout, expanding the background on Indigenous higher-education inequalities, and adding a structured research question based on a PICO-informed framework. The Methods section has been fully revised to align with PRISMA 2020 requirements, including detailed eligibility criteria, an expanded search strategy with additional terms and languages, clearer justification of information sources, and a complete description of the selection, coding, and data-extraction processes. A study risk-of-bias assessment has also been added. In the Results section, a descriptive synthesis of included studies and a PRISMA selection summary have been incorporated, while redundancies between tables and text were reduced. The subsection on risk and protective factors now includes data-driven evidence with concrete examples from primary studies. The Discussion has been enhanced by explicitly stating the contribution of this review to the existing literature. Consequently, language clarity, structure, and coherence were improved throughout the manuscript.
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University dropout (UD) is a multifactorial phenomenon that has significant educational, social, and economic implications for students, higher education institutions, and the state (Aina et al., 2022; Barroso et al., 2022). Beyond interrupting academic trajectories, UD limits personal and professional development, constrains opportunities for social mobility, and exacerbates existing social inequalities (Herbaut, 2021; Koopmann et al., 2024). According to global analyses from organizations such as UNESCO and the OECD, growing attrition rates threaten national development goals, generate substantial financial losses for families, reduce institutional performance, and undermine public investment in higher education systems. Given its broad consequences, understanding the determinants of UD has become a central priority for improving equity, retention, and educational quality.
UD is broadly defined as the permanent or temporary interruption of higher education studies before completing a degree program. It may occur during the first year (early dropout), in intermediate semesters, or near graduation, and may be voluntary stemming from personal, economic, or motivational factors or involuntary due to academic dismissals or institutional regulations. This complex, multidimensional nature requires conceptual clarity when analyzing dropout in populations with distinct sociocultural characteristics, such as Indigenous university students, who experience unique structural and contextual barriers.
Previous research has explored the causes, determinants, and consequences of UD in general student populations. Systematic reviews and meta-analyses (Aina et al., 2022; Alban & Mauricio, 2019; Munizaga Mellado et al., 2018; Véliz Palomino & Ortega, 2023) consistently identify socioeconomic disadvantages, insufficient academic preparation, institutional factors, demographic conditions, and motivational constructs as key predictors of dropout. Although these contributions have advanced the understanding of UD, they predominantly address the experiences of non-Indigenous populations and rarely incorporate culturally specific variables such as linguistic diversity, geographic marginalization, or cultural identity.
Furthermore, while several studies analyze educational inequalities affecting Indigenous students (Kirby et al., 2020; Loureiro et al., 2024; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021), no previous systematic review has consolidated global evidence specifically on university dropout among Indigenous populations. Existing analyses focus mainly on regional case studies or on general equity groups without disaggregating Indigenous student trajectories. As a result, the international literature lacks an integrative synthesis of Indigenous dropout patterns, risk and protective factors, and cross-regional differences. This gap underscores the need for a global systematic review that examines UD through an intercultural and intersectional lens.
Indigenous university students face distinctive and intersecting challenges that increase their vulnerability to dropout. Economic barriers, including poverty, unstable employment, and limited access to state support programs, remain among the strongest determinants of UD (Bustelo et al., 2023; Mardon & Ahmed, 2023). Linguistic barriers persist when students must transition from Indigenous languages to Spanish, English, or Portuguese as the dominant academic languages (Meneses Pardo, 2011; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021). Cultural discontinuity between Indigenous worldviews and university environments, experiences of discrimination, and epistemic exclusion contribute to feelings of isolation and academic disengagement (Walton et al., 2020; Cruz Pérez et al., 2018). Likewise, geographic constraints particularly among students from rural or remote territories create additional financial, logistical, and technological barriers (Nelson et al., 2018). Together, these factors shape the educational trajectories of Indigenous students and amplify their risk of dropout.
These challenges have consequences not only for students but also for families, communities, and states. For Indigenous students, UD can reduce long-term income prospects, limit participation in skilled labor markets, and reinforce historical marginalization. Families may experience financial burdens and diminished expectations for intergenerational mobility. Higher education institutions face difficulties in fulfilling equity mandates, while states lose human capital and undermine national commitments to inclusion, social justice, and Indigenous rights. Therefore, addressing Indigenous UD is not merely an academic concern but a structural issue with implications for broader social and educational policy.
Although numerous studies describe isolated determinants of Indigenous dropout, the existing evidence remains fragmented across countries, disciplines, and institutional contexts. There is no comprehensive synthesis that integrates demographic, linguistic, cultural, geographic, and academic factors within a global perspective. To address this gap, a systematic review using multiple databases is essential to identify patterns, compare findings, and highlight effective protective strategies that promote retention.
Thus, the purpose of this study was to consolidate the available global evidence on university dropout among Indigenous university students, identifying both risk and protective factors and analyzing the characteristics of the studies conducted to date. Following a modified PICO framework appropriate for nonclinical educational research, the guiding research question was:
“What risk and protective factors associated with university dropout have been reported among Indigenous university students worldwide, and how do these factors vary across different cultural, geographic, and institutional contexts?”
This systematic review contributes to the literature by providing the first global synthesis of Indigenous university dropout, integrating methodological, contextual, and intercultural dimensions, and offering evidence-based implications for policy, institutional practice, and future research.
Eligible studies included empirical research articles (qualitative, quantitative, or mixed-methods designs) that examined university or tertiary-level dropout among Indigenous students. We included studies with participants enrolled in undergraduate or postgraduate programs, regardless of age or field of study. Studies were required to analyze dropout, attrition, withdrawal, or desertion as an outcome or central phenomenon. We excluded clinical, psychological, or health-treatment studies where the term ‘dropout’ referred to discontinuation of therapy or medical treatment. Only full-text peer-reviewed articles written in English, Spanish, or Portuguese were eligible.
The selection of databases was based on their disciplinary coverage and relevance to education, social sciences, and Indigenous studies. Web of Science and Scopus were included for their extensive indexing of international peer-reviewed journals. PubMed/MEDLINE was added to capture studies from health sciences that examine educational trajectories of Indigenous students. LILACS, Scielo, Dialnet, and Redalyc were selected to ensure inclusion of Latin American research, where a substantial proportion of Indigenous populations live. DOAJ was included to access open-access publications. Following the reviewer’s recommendation, Latindex was reconsidered due to its inclusion of non–peer-reviewed sources; its results were screened with stricter criteria.
The search strategy combined controlled vocabulary and free-text terms related to higher education, dropout, and Indigenous populations (Page et al., 2021). The final search string applied (adapted to each database) was:
(“higher education” OR university OR college OR “tertiary education” OR bachelor OR degree OR undergraduate) AND
(drop*out OR “dropping out” OR desertion OR attrition OR withdrawal) AND
(Indigenous OR “Aboriginal Peoples” OR “First Nations” OR “Native Peoples” OR indígena OR povos indígenas OR aborígenes*).
Portuguese equivalents were included to avoid excluding Brazilian literature. Filters were applied to exclude clinical studies where ‘dropout’ referred to treatment non-completion.
Additionally, exclusion filters by study type (full articles or letters to the editor) were applied in databases that allowed it (Scopus, WOS, LILACS, Dialnet, PubMed, and Scielo).
A total of 23,403 records were identified: 21,619 in WOS, 356 in Scopus, 115 in LILACS, 743 in Dialnet, 385 in PubMed/MEDLINE, 16 in Redalyc, 53 in Scielo, and 116 in DOAJ. The searches yielded no results in the Latindex and CLASE platforms.
To ensure the relevance of the studies included, predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria were established. Studies addressing university dropout or attrition in university students (undergraduate or postgraduate) belonging to Indigenous communities were included. No restrictions were placed on age range, sex, or geographic location, and studies in Spanish or English, published as full and accessible articles, analyzing risk or protective factors related to dropout, were considered. Additionally, studies providing information on dimensions or determinants of school attrition in this population group were included. In contrast, theoretical studies, such as systematic reviews, meta-analyses, and literature reviews, were excluded, as well as research focused on non-university school populations or vulnerable populations other than Indigenous communities. Two independent reviewers screened all titles, abstracts, and full texts. Disagreements were resolved through consensus or consultation with a third reviewer (the principal investigator). Reasons for exclusion at the full-text stage included: (a) absence of an Indigenous population, (b) absence of university or tertiary-level students, (c) the study did not address dropout or attrition, (d) theoretical or review articles, and (e) clinical studies using ‘dropout’ for treatment discontinuation.
The study selection process was carried out in three stages following the PRISMA guidelines (Raúl, 2025). PRISMA flow diagram has been presented as extended data as well (Raúl, 2025; See extended data as figure 1). First, an initial review of the titles, abstracts, and keywords of the 23,391 unique records identified after removing duplicates within each database was conducted. During this stage, 23,271 studies were excluded for not meeting the eligibility criteria, including 408 articles that did not address a university population, 21,873 that did not include an Indigenous population, 736 that did not focus on the phenomenon of dropout or attrition, and 306 studies of a theoretical or bibliometric nature. In the second stage, 120 articles were selected for full-text review. During this phase, 11 duplicate records across all databases were identified and removed, as they had not been detected in the first stage. Additionally, 86 studies were excluded for not meeting the inclusion criteria after a detailed full-text review (Raúl, 2025; See the extended data as Table 1). Finally, 23 studies met all the established criteria and were included for analysis and narrative synthesis. The following data items were extracted from each study: author, year, country, study design, data source, participant characteristics (sample size, age, sex, Indigenous group, place of residence, academic level), institutional type, dropout prevalence (if applicable), definitions of dropout, methodological tools, and all reported risk and protective factors.
A standardized data extraction matrix was developed and piloted by both reviewers. Extracted variables included study characteristics, sample features, Indigenous group, methodological approach, dropout definition, and identified risk and protective factors. Variables were coded using an inductive–deductive procedure: initial codes were derived from previous dropout frameworks, and additional categories were added based on recurring themes identified during extraction. This coding process informed the synthesis presented in the Results section.
For the description of the results, the general characteristics of the included studies were analyzed and described, reviewing aspects such as the country, sample size, proportion of Indigenous students, geographic context (rural, urban, or mixed), and type of institution (public, private, or mixed). To ensure the comparability of the data, absolute frequencies and percentages were calculated. Regarding the age of the participants, some studies only reported age ranges; therefore, it was necessary to calculate the estimated mean age using the lower and upper limits as references. Due to the heterogeneity of the studies, quantitative results were synthesized through descriptive analyses. Non-homogeneous or missing data were presented through a narrative synthesis, complemented by tables that facilitate the comparison between studies.
Due to methodological heterogeneity across studies differences in design, measures, populations, and outcome definitions a meta-analysis was not feasible. Instead, we conducted a descriptive synthesis for quantitative data, calculating frequencies, percentages, and ranges for comparable variables. Qualitative findings were synthesized through thematic analysis informed by the coding framework described above. Mixed-methods studies contributed both quantitative indicators and thematic categories. Findings from all methodological approaches were integrated narratively to identify convergent risk and protective factors.
Risk of bias was assessed independently by two reviewers using the tool recommended by Alban and Mauricio (2019), which evaluates methodological quality in non-randomized and observational studies. The tool examines sampling adequacy, clarity of research aims, data collection rigor, transparency of analysis, and appropriateness of conclusions. Disagreements were resolved by consensus.
A total of 23,403 records were identified across all databases. After removing duplicates, 23,391 unique records were screened by title and abstract, of which 23,271 were excluded for not meeting the eligibility criteria. Full-text review was conducted for 120 studies, and 99 were excluded for reasons including absence of an Indigenous population, lack of focus on university dropout, nonempirical design, or misclassification of dropout as treatment discontinuation. Ultimately, 21 studies met all criteria and were included in the final synthesis.
Studies were predominantly conducted in Latin America and Oceania, with most sampling university students from public institutions. Sample sizes and demographic reporting varied considerably ( Table 1). Of the total records, 2 studies did not provide disaggregated information on Indigenous university populations (De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Kirby et al., 2020; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019). The average age of the participants was 24.19 years, considering only the 9 records that reported this information. In some cases, the age range was adjusted to calculate these values (Bergamaschi et al., 2016; Calegare & Sales, 2023; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Li & Jackson, 2024; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Oliver et al., 2015; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023; Salazar Cóndor, 2022).
The 21 included studies employed diverse methodologies, including qualitative (7), quantitative (6), and mixed-methods designs (8). Sample sizes ranged widely, from small ethnographic samples to national administrative datasets. Most studies were conducted in South America and Oceania, with Indigenous populations such as Quechua, Aymara, Amazonian groups, Aboriginal Australians, and First Nations represented. Seventeen studies focused on public universities, three examined mixed institutional contexts, and one examined private institutions. Almost all studies analyzed undergraduate students, with only one examining postgraduate education.
In these studies, 63.06% of the participants were men, and 36.95% were women. However, 11 out of 21 studies did not report the sex of the participants (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Kirby et al., 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Loureiro et al., 2024; Lydster & Murray, 2019; Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Walton et al., 2020), and only 2 records focused exclusively on Indigenous women (Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021).
Regarding the type of higher education institution, the majority of studies (17/21) were conducted on students from public universities (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Bergamaschi et al., 2016; Calegare & Sales, 2023; De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Hearn et al., 2019; Kozlova et al., 2022; Loureiro et al., 2024; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Oliver et al., 2015; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023; Walton et al., 2020), while only one study focused on students from private universities (Lydster & Murray, 2019). Additionally, three records analyzed populations from both public and private universities (Kirby et al., 2020; Li & Carroll, 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024).
The studies represented a wide diversity of Indigenous groups across Latin America, North America, Oceania, and Russia, reflecting substantial cultural and linguistic heterogeneity among participants. Most students lived in rural areas and many were bilingual in an Indigenous language and a national language ( Table 2). Of the total studies, 4 were conducted in Indigenous communities in Central America (Mexico: Tseltal, Wixarika, Nahua, Mazahua, Purépecha, Otomí; Panama: Ngäbe and Buglé); 2 out of 21 records in North America (Canada: Métis, Inuit, and First Nations); 6 in South America (Colombia: Indigenous peoples of the Amazon; Argentina: Wilchi and Kolla; Chile: Mapuche; Peru: Quechua and Aimara; Brazil: Tuyuca, Tukano, Bará, Munduruku, Yahua, Sateré-Mawé, Tariana, Kaingang, Guaraní, Fulniô, and Juruna; Ecuador: Achuar, Andwa, Kichwa, Sapara, Shiwiar, Shuar, and Waorani); 4 in Oceania (Australian Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders); and 1 in Europe (Russia: Komi-Permyak). Although 4 studies did not report this information (Kirby et al., 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Loureiro et al., 2024; Meneses Pardo, 2011). Regarding place of residence, in 15 out of 21 studies, participants reported living in rural areas (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Bergamaschi et al., 2016; Calegare & Sales, 2023; De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Kirby et al., 2020; Li & Carroll, 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Lydster & Murray, 2019; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Oliver et al., 2015; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023), while 5 out of 21 lived in both rural and urban areas (Hearn et al., 2019; Kozlova et al., 2022; Loureiro et al., 2024; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Walton et al., 2020). One study did not specify the area of residence (Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023).
Finally, the studies reported a great linguistic diversity. Identified languages included Andean languages (Quechua, Aimara), Amazonian languages (Achuar, Andwa, Sapara, Shiwiar, Shuar, Waorani, Yahua, Tuyuca, Tukano, Bará, Munduruku, Sateré-Mawé, Tariana, Fulniô, Juruna), Southern Cone languages (Mapuche, Wilchi, Kolla, Guaraní, Kaingang), Mesoamerican languages (Tseltal, Ch’ol, Nahuas, Mazahuas, Purépechas, Otomíes, Wixarika, Huichol), North American languages (Métis, Inuit, First Nations), European languages (Komi-Permyak), and dominant languages (Portuguese) (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Bergamaschi et al., 2016; Calegare & Sales, 2023; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Kozlova et al., 2022; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023). In 5 studies, the participants were bilingual (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023); while in 10 records, this information was not reported (De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Hearn et al., 2019; Kirby et al., 2020; Li & Carroll, 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Loureiro et al., 2024; Lydster & Murray, 2019; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Oliver et al., 2015; Walton et al., 2020).
Methodologies varied widely across studies, with a balanced mix of qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-method designs. Data sources ranged from interviews and surveys to institutional records, and most studies addressed multiple academic disciplines (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Bergamaschi et al., 2016; De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Hearn et al., 2019; Kozlova et al., 2022; Li & Carroll, 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Loureiro et al., 2024; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Oliver et al., 2015; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023).
The identified areas include Education Sciences, Exact Sciences and Engineering, Health, Social Sciences, Humanities, Agricultural Sciences, Administrative Sciences, Economics, Tourism, Arts, Environmental Studies, and Cultural and Educational Development. However, fields such as Architecture, Technology, and Information Sciences had lower representation. The only study that analyzed dropout at the graduate level (Calegare & Sales, 2023) focused exclusively on Education and Anthropology programs. However, three records did not report the participants’ professional fields (Kirby et al., 2020; Lydster & Murray, 2019; Walton et al., 2020).
Regarding the methodologies used, 7 out of 21 studies employed qualitative approaches using semi-structured interviews and observations to explore individual and community experiences associated with dropout (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Calegare and Sales, 2023; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Lydster & Murray, 2019; Oliver et al., 2015; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021). Meanwhile, 6 out of 21 studies applied quantitative methodologies incorporating statistical analyses of institutional databases and surveys (Li & Carroll, 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023). The risk-of-bias assessment indicated moderate methodological quality across studies. Most articles clearly stated research objectives and provided adequate methodological detail. However, common limitations included insufficient reporting of sampling procedures, lack of standardized definitions of dropout, incomplete reporting of sex or age variables, and limited transparency in analytic strategies. These issues should be considered when interpreting the results. Finally, 8 studies used mixed methodologies, combining interviews with structured data analysis (Bergamaschi et al., 2016; De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Hearn et al., 2019; Kirby et al., 2020; Kozlova et al., 2022; Loureiro et al., 2024; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Walton et al., 2020).
Finally, the risk and protective factors associated with Indigenous university dropout were analyzed (see Table 4). First, the prevalence of Indigenous university dropout was estimated at 33.59%, based on data from seven studies that provided this information (Bergamaschi et al., 2016; Loureiro et al., 2024; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023). From these studies, an average Indigenous University Dropout (IUD) rate of 33.59% was estimated. However, 66.67% of the studies did not report this data, limiting the ability to conduct a more comprehensive analysis of dropout rates. The university dropout rate ranged between 20% and 66%, except for a single record that reported a lower rate (Loureiro et al., 2024). Similarly, the demographic variable analysis reported that IUD was higher among women (28.57%), considering data from six studies (Bergamaschi et al., 2016; Hearn et al., 2019; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez Gallegos & Alvites-Huamaní, 2023; Walton et al., 2020); However, in three studies (Loureiro et al., 2024; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019) higher dropout rates were reported among men (14.29%). In this regard, it is important to highlight that 52.38% of the studies did not report sex as a variable associated with dropout (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Calegare & Sales, 2023; De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Kirby et al., 2020; Kozlova et al., 2022; Li & Carroll, 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Lydster & Murray, 2019; Oliver et al., 2015; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023).
Regarding the risk and protective factors identified in the included studies, economic factors were observed as the main obstacle to university retention, reported in 85.7% (18/21) of the records. Other significant factors include linguistic barriers, present in 47.6% of the studies (10/21), and geographical location, mentioned 33.3% of the time (7/21). On the other hand, another identified risk factor was the lack of social support, reported in only 23.8% of the records (5/21).
On the other hand, among the protective factors, financial support was the most frequent, identified in 76.2% of the studies (16/21), followed by mentoring or academic guidance, reported in 47.6% (10/21), as well as social support, mentioned in 42.8% (9/21). The least frequent factors were cultural reaffirmation and an inclusive environment, both reported in 28.6% of the studies (6/21).
This systematic review analyzed 21 studies that examined university dropout among Indigenous students. Most records were concentrated in South America (9/21), followed by Oceania (5/21) and Central America (4/21). South America reported the highest number of studies, reflecting an uneven geographical focus in research on Indigenous populations. Although Latin America has received greater attention due to its historical and demographic relevance (Barragán Moreno & González Támara, 2024; Gutierrez-Pachas et al., 2023), compared to other regions such as Africa and Asia, which show a notable absence of research, limiting the global understanding of the phenomenon (Kukulska-Hulme et al., 2023; Venkatesan et al., 2024).
These trends in the geographical distribution of studies are related to the demographic characteristics of the participants included in them. Of the 226,049 participants analyzed in the studies, only 1.03% were Indigenous students. This figure highlights a significant gap in the representation of these populations in the analyzed studies, indicating a substantial disproportion in the number of studies addressing the issues of Indigenous communities compared to other groups (Alban & Mauricio, 2019; Arias et al., 2024; Munizaga Mellado et al., 2018; Quincho Apumayta et al., 2024; Véliz Palomino & Ortega, 2023).
The average age of the participants was 24.19 years. This finding is consistent with another study that reported a similar age range among university students (Hearn et al., 2019), particularly in regions where higher education is attained later due to socioeconomic contexts and structural barriers (Li & Jackson, 2024; Webb, 2019). However, this average may not accurately reflect the reality of Indigenous students, who often enter university at older ages due to sociocultural or economic barriers (Dadi et al., 2024; Halabieh et al., 2022; Lecy & Osteen, 2022). This suggests a potential bias in the data and highlights the need for more inclusive studies that consider the diversity of educational trajectories within these populations.
Regarding gender, 63.06% of the participants reported in the studies were men, indicating a higher male representation in research on university dropout. This finding aligns with previous studies showing greater male participation in higher education, particularly in Indigenous communities where traditional roles assign men greater economic and labor responsibilities from an early age (Martinez, 2014; Toyon, 2024).
These high rates of male participation in studies on university dropout may be linked to social and economic pressures that push men, particularly in Indigenous communities, to enter the labor market at an early age, affecting their educational continuity (Nguyen et al., 2020; Wilson, 2021). Additionally, factors such as low academic performance, lack of motivation, and limited use of institutional support networks make them more prone to dropping out (Aina et al., 2022; Legault et al., 2006). On the other hand, the lower representation of women could be attributed to several factors. First, the cultural structure governing women’s roles in Indigenous communities (Hill et al., 2024; Ingram et al., 2021). Second, structural barriers that limit their access to and retention in higher education. However, the literature suggests that despite facing greater family and domestic responsibilities that hinder their academic continuity (Blackburn, 2023; Chanana, 1993), women often develop resilience strategies that enable them to overcome these difficulties, which could explain their lower proportion in studies on dropout (Cotton et al., 2017).
These gender inequalities in access to and retention in education are exacerbated in contexts where public education predominates, identified as the most common in 17 of the 21 analyzed studies. Deficiencies in these systems, such as inadequate infrastructure, limited financial support, and cultural disconnection, appear to contribute to high university dropout rates (Goksen & Cemalcilar, 2010; Halabieh et al., 2022; Valencia Quecano et al., 2024). Since public institutions typically serve a higher percentage of vulnerable students, including Indigenous populations (Jorgensen, 2020), these shortcomings create additional barriers that hinder their retention and perpetuate structural inequalities by restricting their educational opportunities (Silva-Martínez et al., 2023). Culturally, the most represented Indigenous communities belong to South America, including the Quechua, Aymara, and Amazonian communities such as the Shuar and Yahua. Colombia, Chile, Peru, Brazil, and Ecuador had the highest number of records involving Indigenous populations. Regarding languages, Quechua and Aymara were the most spoken, while other regional languages, such as Tseltal and Guaraní, were also present. The most common fields of study among participants were Social Sciences, Education, Health, and Engineering. The representation of Indigenous communities in the studies reflects the predominant cultural diversity in South America, where these groups face specific challenges in higher education (Cortina & Earl, 2021; Smith, 2024; Van Cott, 2005). Some studies indicated that Indigenous participants were bilingual or had to learn new languages to integrate into educational systems (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023). Evidence suggests that language and cultural identity play a crucial role in educational access and retention and that the absence of Indigenous language programs significantly limits inclusion (Álvarez Díaz & Storey Meza, 2021; Eduardo & Gabriel, 2021; Salmi & D’Addio, 2021). On the other hand, the concentration of Indigenous students in fields such as Social Sciences, Education, and Health may be associated with formative traditions that prioritize disciplines linked to community cohesion and social development (Fonchingong Che, 2024; Gittelsohn et al., 2020; Mosquera-Guerrero et al., 2023).
On the other hand, the findings revealed a predominance of Indigenous students from rural areas in 15 studies (Benitez & Ramírez, 2023; Bergamaschi et al., 2016; Calegare & Sales, 2023; De Gracia Vega & Vega de Martínez, 2024; Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Kirby et al., 2020; Li & Carroll, 2020; Li & Jackson, 2024; Lydster & Murray, 2019; Meneses Pardo, 2011; Oliver et al., 2015; Rafael Riveros et al., 2024; Rodríguez & Ossola, 2021; Saldarriaga Isaza et al., 2019; Schmidt Araneda et al., 2023); In contrast, only five studies included mixed populations (rural and urban) (Hearn et al., 2019; Kozlova et al., 2022; Loureiro et al., 2024; Salazar Cóndor, 2022; Walton et al., 2020). This trend aligns with the literature, where rural communities are more frequently studied due to their greater exposure to structural barriers such as the lack of educational infrastructure, economic difficulties, and limited technological connectivity (Yu et al., 2024). In this regard, university dropout in rural contexts is primarily linked to economic and family factors, where the need to contribute to productive work often takes precedence over academic continuity (Callejo-González & Ruiz-Herrero, 2024; Guzman Rincón et al., 2023). These factors are further exacerbated by the lack of educational infrastructure, the need for long commutes to institutions, and technological limitations, which restrict equitable access to higher education (Mustafa et al., 2024; Timmis & Muhuro, 2019).
Of the analyzed records, 20 focused on undergraduate education, while only one addressed dropout at the graduate level. This disparity may be due to the limited research on advanced levels, given that economic and academic barriers are more pronounced in the early stages of university education. At the undergraduate level, Indigenous students face higher dropout risks due to economic, sociocultural, and contextual factors (García-Vita et al., 2021; McKinley Jones Brayboy et al., 2015). In contrast, the limited representation of Indigenous graduate students reflects the structural and economic barriers they face from earlier educational levels. Factors such as high costs, lack of financial support, and the absence of inclusive policies affect their access. From a methodological perspective, the studies reflected a diverse approach, with seven based on qualitative methods, six on quantitative methods, and eight using mixed methodologies. These methodological choices respond to different analytical needs in understanding university dropout (Pilcher & Cortazzi, 2024).
Qualitative methods allowed for the exploration of cultural and social barriers from individual perspectives, while quantitative methods identified patterns and trends through statistical analysis of large populations (Cadena Iñiguez et al., 2017; Hussein, 2009; Pilcher and Cortazzi, 2024).
In this context, the studies also identified factors that act as risks for university dropout, with the most frequently reported economic barriers (85.7%), followed by linguistic barriers (47.6%) and geographical limitations (33.3%). These factors reflect structural inequalities and the lack of cultural adaptations in educational systems. Economic barriers stand out as a central impediment, as they limit students’ ability to cover basic costs related to higher education (Mardon & Ahmed, 2023; Perez-Castro, 2024). On the other hand, among the identified protective factors, financial support was the most frequent (76.2%), followed by mentoring or academic guidance (47.6%) and social support (42.8%). These elements have been shown to be effective in reducing university dropout rates, but their implementation is limited and inconsistent, suggesting a need for more comprehensive policies to ensure the availability and accessibility of these resources (Cairney & Kippin, 2022; Salmi & D’Addio, 2021).
This review contributes to existing knowledge by consolidating, for the first time, global empirical evidence on university dropout specifically among Indigenous students a population largely overlooked in previous systematic reviews on higher education attrition. Unlike earlier reviews that examined general dropout determinants or focused on non-Indigenous groups, this study synthesizes cross-regional data from 21 studies to identify patterns unique to Indigenous students, such as the intersection of economic precarity, linguistic marginalization, and geographic isolation. The review also advances the field by distinguishing risk and protective factors supported by quantitative and qualitative data, highlighting the structural inequities embedded in higher education systems. This evidence is essential for designing culturally responsive retention policies and provides researchers and policymakers with a more comprehensive understanding of the multi-layered barriers that shape educational trajectories for Indigenous learners.
This study features crucial restrictions which researchers need to view when undertaking assessment of both results and their application range. Methodological differences between the included research studies create major difficulties for analysis. Research methods together with data collection procedures and the list of analytical methods introduce variability which hinders observation of shared results and understanding of established patterns. The wide cultural and economic diversity across geographic areas makes this observation especially crucial for research on Indigenous university dropout. One of the continuous challenges within the studies under analysis involves the insufficient breakdown of data. Many study records failed to include critical variables that identified gender, age and subject majors of participants. The absence of detailed participant data hinders advanced research examinations which restricts scientists from comprehending how various subgroups from the Indigenous population experience dropout variations. Some studies fail to provide information about the student proportion among Indigenous students which indicates limited attention to proper documentation of this population. The territorial distribution of studies in this review appears irregular since different geographic areas show various populations. Most of the research belongs to Latin America and Oceania whereas regions in Asia and Africa lack representation despite their substantial population of Indigenous communities cultural and demographically speaking. The geographical imbalance diminishes the worldwide usefulness of research results and hinders researchers from running multinational studies that could broaden our understanding about this subject. The dearth of investigations regarding graduate-level educational research displays a scholarly trend toward studying primary stages of higher education. Social and economic obstacles that face Indigenous students seem more prevalent in their education level progression. Active research procurement concerning graduate education leads to substantial knowledge gaps identifying the obstacles Indigenous students encounter from beginning to end in their academic journey. Insufficient data about risk plus protective components restricts researchers from achieving a full understanding of what factors lead to university termination or continued academic participation. The collection of non-standardized data hinders accurate identification of optimal approaches to solve these problems despite documenting generic characteristics. Standards for methodological research design and more detailed data acquisition need establishment because these issues affect the current ability to study university dropout or retention in higher education.
Studies demonstrate that multiple factors contribute to university dropout rates among Indigenous populations because such cases represent continuing institutional biases in educational infrastructure. Social along with linguistic and economic barriers function as the main obstacles which prevent Indigenous students from advancing through higher education especially in rural territories where economic struggles combine with minimal infrastructure and limited technology access to worsen these enrollment barriers. Scholarship programs and educational mentoring with financial backing demonstrate their effectiveness in helping retain students during education. A holistic strategy which acknowledges gender differences as well as educational background and location needs to be created because existing implementation measures are inadequate. The elimination of equity gaps requires sufficient financial aid while adding cultural content to class material and providing students with continuous mentorship and tutorial services. The implementation of culturally inclusive admission policies and curricula programs will decrease learning inequalities while supporting higher education persistence and achievement of Indigenous students.
No data is associated with this article.
Complete PRISMA checklist have been added in the Zenodo repository at https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15449074
The data is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. Full citation of the extended data:
Raúl, Q.-A. (2025). PRISMA check list and extended data [Data set]. In F1000Research. Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15449074
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Are the rationale for, and objectives of, the Systematic Review clearly stated?
No
Are sufficient details of the methods and analysis provided to allow replication by others?
No
Is the statistical analysis and its interpretation appropriate?
Not applicable
Are the conclusions drawn adequately supported by the results presented in the review?
Partly
If this is a Living Systematic Review, is the ‘living’ method appropriate and is the search schedule clearly defined and justified? (‘Living Systematic Review’ or a variation of this term should be included in the title.)
Not applicable
References
1. Carrera-Rivera A, Ochoa W, Larrinaga F, Lasa G: How-to conduct a systematic literature review: A quick guide for computer science research. MethodsX. 2022; 9. Publisher Full TextCompeting Interests: No competing interests were disclosed.
Reviewer Expertise: Education, dropout in higher education, curriculum, rural studies.
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