Beyond Push-Pull: Emotional Ambivalence and Digital Networks in Nigerian Teachers’ Migration Intentions

Rethinking push-pull: Toward an emotional and networked understanding of migration

The push-pull theory by Lee (1966) has long been a foundational framework for explaining migration decisions, highlighting adverse conditions in origin countries and attractive opportunities in destination contexts. For Nigerian teachers, this is evident through poor pay, limited professional growth opportunities, lack of institutional support, and better working conditions abroad. While this framework is useful for identifying structural migration drivers, it falls short in understanding how individuals interpret, negotiate, and respond to these conditions (Castles et al., 2014; de Haas, 2010).

One key limitation of push-pull explanations is their tendency to view migration as a rational, individual decision based on objective cost-benefit analyses. However, recent migration studies suggest that migration intentions are also influenced by subjective meanings, emotional ties, and social connections (Carling & Collins, 2018; Boccagni, 2017). Migration decisions often involve conflicting feelings, where aspirations for better opportunities coexist with guilt, fear, and expected losses. These emotional complexities challenge the linear logic of push-pull models and highlight migration as a deeply personal and relational process rather than purely economic.

Moreover, the impact of digital technologies has changed how migration is perceived and pursued. Social media, online communities, and peer networks not only offer information but also shape perceptions of possibilities and desirability (Dekker & Engbersen, 2014; Leurs & Smets, 2018). Exposure to others’ experiences helps individuals create shared visions of mobility that can sustain migration aspirations. Migration is now influenced by digital connections, where intentions are formed through ongoing interactions with networked individuals.

This study builds on these ideas by viewing migration intentions as socially and emotionally constructed processes, not just outcomes of push and pull factors. It focuses on two key aspects: (1) emotional ambivalence, which captures the tension between desire and hesitation, and (2) digital and peer networks, which mediate how migration possibilities are perceived and collectively reinforced. By doing so, the study expands push-pull theory by placing migration decision-making in a broader social, emotional, and digital framework, contributing to the evolving understanding of migration intentions in current research.

Research design

This study utilized a qualitative research design to gain a deep understanding of the perceptions and motivations of Nigerian teachers regarding international relocation. A qualitative approach is ideal for exploring complex social phenomena and capturing the richness of individual experiences and subjective meanings (Creswell & Poth, 2018).

Population, sample, and sampling procedure

The population for the study included all secondary school teachers in public (federal and state) and private secondary schools in Nigeria. This population constitutes the workforce that delivers instructions to students in secondary education in the nation.

The sample for the study consisted of 10 public and private secondary school teachers (five from each sector), and two focus discussion groups of six teachers in each group (12 teachers), making a total of 22 participants. The participants were selected from different schools in Imo, Rivers, Lagos, Niger, and Benue States in four geopolitical zones (Southeast, South-south, Southwest, and Northcentral) of Nigeria. Out of the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria, only Northwest and Northeast were excluded from the study. The two zones were not included due to security challenges and accessibility constraints affecting data collection during the study period.

A purposive sampling technique was used to select participants based on the criteria that they hold NCE and B.Ed. degrees, and possess TRCN certification, and have been teaching for more than three years. The purpose of this sampling technique was to ensure the inclusion of public and private secondary school licensed subject teachers from almost all the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria.

Instrumentation and data collection procedure

An instrument titled “Teacher Perceptions and Motivations for Relocation Intentions” was used to collect two forms of data from the participants. Firstly, semi-structured in-depth interviews (IDIs) were conducted with the 10 public and private secondary school teachers to gain a comprehensive understanding of their perceptions and motivations regarding relocation intentions abroad. The IDIs allowed the researchers to delve deep into the participants’ experiences while maintaining enough structure to address the research objectives (Morris, 2015; Rutledge and Hogg, 2020; Wengraf, 2001).

Secondly, focus group discussions (FGDs) were held with two groups of 12 public and private secondary school teachers. To facilitate manageable interaction and in-depth discussion, only six teachers participated in each group. The instrument used for the IDIs was also employed in the FGDs, with slight modifications in wording and prompts to facilitate group interaction while maintaining the core content of the original questions (Guest et al., 2017; Krueger & Casey, 2015; Morgan, 1997).

Data collection was carried out both online and in-person to reach participants in various schools and across different geographical zones of Nigeria. FGDs were conducted online via Google Meet, while IDIs were conducted both online and in person. Physical data collection was facilitated as teachers who returned home on vacation were easily accessible. The researchers managed the online FGD participants considering various challenges such as poor internet connectivity, power outages for charging phones, data subscription issues, time management, poor quality devices, among others. All IDI and FGD sessions were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim to ensure accuracy. Both data collections commenced in September 2025 and was completed in November 2025.

Trustworthiness of the study

To enhance the trustworthiness of the findings, this study employed several strategies aligned with Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) framework for establishing rigor in qualitative research. First, triangulation was achieved through two approaches (method and data triangulation across states and school types). Second, peer debriefing with senior qualitative researchers, and lastly, thick description using verbatim quotes.

Ethical considerations

Ethical approval for this study was obtained from the Faculty of Education Research Ethics Committee at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa, and BOUESTI, Ikere-Ekiti, Nigeria with ethical clearance numbers SEM 2–2025-145 and 4–2025-0376 respectively on 30 September 2025 and 16 October 2025 respectively. All participants were informed of the study’s purpose, and written informed consent was obtained before their participation. Participation was voluntary, and participants were informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any time without consequences. Anonymity and confidentiality were ensured; therefore, pseudonyms (e.g., Pu. 1 [Public school teacher 1], Pr. 2 [Private school teacher 2]) are used in the presentation of findings.

Data analysis

The transcribed data were analyzed using thematic analysis, following the six-phase process outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006). This involved: (1) familiarization with the data, (2) generating initial codes, (3) searching for themes, (4) reviewing themes, (5) defining and naming themes, and (6) producing the final report. The analysis was guided by the three research objectives, leading to the identification of major themes and sub-themes presented in the results. Data were analyzed using ATLAS.ti version 24 (ATLAS.ti Scientific Software Development GmbH, 2026) to organize, code, and interpret qualitative data. Direct quotes from participants are presented to enhance the trustworthiness of the findings.

Theme 1: Perceptions of relocation intentions

This theme captures how Nigerian secondary school teachers conceptualize and emotionally experience the idea of relocating abroad. Their perceptions ranged from positive to deeply conflicted, revealing the psychological complexity of migration decisions.

Sub-theme 1.1: Positive perceptions – Escape, opportunity, and dream

For many participants, relocation represented a necessary escape from an untenable situation, a gateway to a functioning system, or the realization of a long-held aspiration. The most dominant perception was that of relocation as an escape route. Teachers employed powerful metaphors of survival to describe their desire to leave. One public school teacher with 18 years of experience framed it as a “last-minute transfer request” after years of national service:

This metaphor was even more starkly articulated by a younger private school teacher who likened Nigeria to a “sinking ship,” conveying not just dissatisfaction but imminent peril.

Closely related was the perception of relocation as an opportunity to work in a better system. Teachers contrasted their current reality—described as an “analogue environment”—with the digitally enabled, well-resourced classrooms they imagined abroad. This perception extended beyond better pay to professional efficacy: the desire to work where their skills would matter.

For some, this perception encompassed career trajectory. The teachers spoke of having “hit a ceiling” in Nigeria, while abroad offered the prospect of learning “new curricula, modern methods” with proper compensation:

For a third group, relocation was simply a dream come true—a daily aspiration for a life where basic professional dignity is assured:

Sub-theme 1.2: Negative perceptions and emotional ambivalence

Positive perceptions were consistently tempered by negative emotions. The prospect of relocation evoked feelings of separation from loved ones, fear of starting over, and profound ambivalence. One public school teacher articulated this emotional rootedness:

This conflict produced what many described as mixed feelings: excitement coexisting with guilt, hope intertwined with fear. Guilt stemmed from awareness that departure would deprive Nigerian students of dedicated teachers. Fear arose from uncertainty about whether reality abroad would match aspirations.

Notably, while both public and private school teachers expressed ambivalent feelings, private school teachers more frequently framed their mixed emotions in terms of professional burnout, whereas public school teachers emphasized loss of community and rootedness.

Sub-theme 1.3: Influences on perceptions – The role of internet and peers

These perceptions did not develop in a vacuum. Teachers explicitly identified two interconnected influences shaping their thinking about relocation: social media and peer networks.

Social media served multiple functions. First, it created awareness of opportunities through job adverts for teaching roles in the UK, Canada, and the UAE:

Second, social media exposed teachers to better work environments abroad. Through YouTube videos and social media posts, teachers could see classrooms, staff rooms, and teaching resources in destination countries, making the abstract idea of a “better system” tangible:

Third, social media kept the intention alive by providing continuous reinforcement. Teachers followed Nigerian educators abroad who shared their journeys, creating a sense that relocation was possible:

Fourth, for some, social media mounted pressure and created restlessness. The constant stream of success stories could feel like a countdown, making those still in Nigeria feel left behind.

Peer influence operated similarly but through personal relationships. Teachers reported that relocation had become a “headline story” among colleagues—impossible to ignore. Some had formed dedicated information-sharing groups:

Peers played dual roles: some encouraged and pushed colleagues to apply, while others offered cautions about cultural shock, adaptation difficulties, and stories of migrants stranded abroad. Yet even discouragement kept the conversation alive:

Theme 2: Push factors – Reasons for relocation intentions

Having explored how teachers perceive relocation, this theme examines the specific grievances driving their desire to leave. These reasons represent the “push factors”—systemic failures that make departure seem necessary. Participants articulated an interconnected web of reasons, summarized in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Network visualization of reasons for relocation intentions among Nigerian secondary school teachers.

The thickness of connections between nodes indicates how frequently reasons were mentioned together.

Figure 1 presents a network visualization of the reasons teachers gave for considering relocation. The thickness of connections between nodes indicates how frequently reasons were mentioned together, revealing the interrelated nature of these push factors.

As Figure 1 illustrates, three factors anchor the network: poor remuneration, lack of professional development, and poor working environment. Each radiates outward to related concerns.

Sub-theme 2.1: Economic pressures – Poor remuneration and welfare

Poor remuneration was the most universally cited reason for considering relocation. Teachers consistently described their salaries as insufficient for basic needs, let alone comfortable living. The problem was exacerbated by Nigeria’s economic context—subsidy removal had driven up living costs without commensurate salary adjustments.

The language teachers used to discuss pay revealed that this was not mere dissatisfaction but a sense of fundamental betrayal. One public school teacher framed it as a broken promise:

For some, financial motivation crystallized during specific crises. A private school teacher described how her husband’s prolonged unpaid strike during the ASUU shutdown revealed the fragility of their household income, which rested on her “unstable private school salary”:

Sub-theme 2.2: Professional devaluation – Lack of dignity, respect, and security

Beyond economics, teachers cited profound lack of professional dignity as a reason for wanting to leave. This manifested in multiple ways: being required to purchase basic teaching materials from personal funds, working in environments that neither valued nor respected the teaching profession, and facing the reality that even in death, teachers are not honored.

One public school teacher contrasted this with the imagined alternative abroad:

A particularly haunting illustration came from a teacher recounting a colleague’s death:

Job insecurity was another dimension of professional devaluation, mentioned particularly by private school teachers. Unlike their public sector counterparts with some government protection, private school teachers described being constantly replaceable:

Sub-theme 2.3: Infrastructural deficits – lack of resources and overcrowded classrooms

Teachers described working conditions that made effective teaching nearly impossible. Lack of equipment and resources—textbooks, laboratory equipment, teaching aids, chemicals—meant that teachers could not deliver the education students deserved. One public school teacher recounted a moment of profound professional shame:

Overcrowded classrooms compounded this problem. Teachers described managing classes of 70 or more students, a stark contrast to the classes of 20–25 they saw online in schools abroad. This made teaching not just difficult but physically exhausting:

Sub-theme 2.4: Existential threats – Insecurity and poor infrastructure

For some teachers, particularly in public schools, the decision to consider relocation was driven by insecurity—the very real threat of kidnapping, banditry, and terrorism. One teacher described a moment of paralyzing fear:

This fear was inseparable from poor school infrastructure—the “rusty burglar-proof windows” that offered no real protection. Years of such conditions accumulated into a desire to leave:

Sub-theme 2.5: Stagnation – Lack of professional development

A recurring theme across both sectors was the absence of professional development opportunities. Teachers described no training, no workshops, no in-service programs. The educational system, they felt, wanted to use them but not invest in them.

This stagnation was thrown into sharp relief by exposure to teaching practices abroad through social media. Teachers saw colleagues who had relocated attending conferences, undergoing training, and advancing professionally. The gap between what was possible and their daily reality became an “ocean”:

Even when new curricula were introduced, teachers were expected to implement them without training—then blamed for poor results:

Sub-theme 2.6: Unrealistic demands and burnout (Private schools)

Private school teachers uniquely emphasized unrealistic demands from school management and parents. They described pressure to produce results in impossibly short timeframes, demands that all students must pass external examinations, and management that consistently sided with parents against teachers. This created chronic stress:

This accumulated into burnout—physical and emotional exhaustion that made the promise of work-life balance abroad powerfully attractive:

Sub-theme 2.7: Prioritizing reasons

When asked to rank their reasons for relocation, teachers revealed a striking hierarchy. While financial reasons were universally important, professional development emerged as the top priority for most participants. Others prioritized professional dignity, safety, family comfort, and job security.

Figure 2 presents a Sankey diagram showing the top reasons teachers prioritized. The thickness of each block represents the number of participants who ranked that reason as their primary motivation. Professional development appears as the thickest block, indicating it was the most frequently cited priority.

Figure 2. Sankey diagram showing the topmost reasons for relocation intentions.

The thickness of each block represents the number of participants who ranked that reason as their primary motivation.

The prioritization revealed important nuances in teacher motivation:

This suggests that while money matters, it is often the combination of financial inadequacy with professional stagnation that makes the prospect of leaving compelling.

Theme 3: Motivations and deterrents

This final theme addresses the aspirations that pull teachers toward relocation and the factors that hold them back. Together, they reveal the competing forces teachers navigate.

Sub-theme 3.1: Motivations – Pull factors

When teachers imagined what relocation would offer, they articulated aspirations that mirrored their reasons for leaving. These represent the “pull factors”—positive attributes of destination countries that make relocation attractive. These pull factors are illustrated in Figure 3.

Figure 3. Network visualization of motivations for relocation intentions among Nigerian secondary school teachers.

Figure 3 presents a network of motivations teachers associated with relocating abroad. The interconnected nodes reveal how multiple aspirations combine to create a compelling vision of a better professional life.

The primary motivations included:

Better Remuneration and Welfare: Teachers were motivated by the prospect of salaries commensurate with their effort and attractive welfare packages:

Professional Development and Career Growth: The possibility of meaningful career advancement was a powerful motivator:

Access to Teaching Resources: The prospect of working in well-equipped schools with modern facilities motivated some:

Family Welfare and Future: Many teachers were motivated by the desire to provide a better future for their children:

Professional Dignity and Respect: The desire to be in a system that recognizes and values teachers was a key motivator:

Job Security: The prospect of stable employment without fear of sudden dismissal motivated some:

Sub-theme 3.2: Deterrents – Factors that hold teachers back

Despite powerful motivations, teachers identified significant deterrents that created hesitation. These represent emotional, financial, and psychological barriers to relocation. These deterrents are shown in Figure 4.

Figure 4. Network visualization of deterrents to relocation intentions among Nigerian secondary school teachers.

Figure 4 presents a network of deterrents that moderate teachers’ relocation intentions. The thickness of connections indicates how frequently deterrents were mentioned together, revealing clusters of barriers.

The primary deterrents included:

Separation from Loved Ones: The most frequently cited deterrent was the emotional cost of leaving family, friends, and community:

Fear of Starting Over: For experienced teachers, the prospect of beginning anew in a lower position was daunting. They feared their Nigerian experience might not be recognized or valued:

Visa Cost and Processing: The financial and logistical barriers were significant deterrents. The cost of applications, certifications, exams, and visa processing could be prohibitive:

Adjusting to New Culture and Uncertainties: Fear of not fitting into a new cultural setting, potential discrimination, and the general “fear of the unknown” served as powerful deterrents.

Qualification Concerns: Some teachers worried whether their Nigerian qualifications would be valued or recognized abroad.

Perceptions of relocation intentions

The first objective was to examine how Nigerian secondary school teachers perceive the prospect of international relocation. The findings revealed that teachers hold complex, often contradictory perceptions. On one hand, they view relocation positively as an “escape route” from a failing system, an opportunity to work in a better-resourced environment, and for some, a long-held “dream.” These positive perceptions were vividly captured in metaphors such as “escape from a sinking ship” and “last-minute transfer request” after years of national service. On the other hand, teachers simultaneously experienced negative emotions including fear of separation from loved ones, anxiety about starting over in an unfamiliar context, and guilt about abandoning students who need dedicated teachers.

What explains this perceptual complexity? The findings suggest that teachers are not making calculations in isolation but are deeply embedded in social and emotional contexts that shape their thinking. The positive perceptions reflect a rational response to genuine systemic failures documented extensively in Nigerian educational literature, including poor working conditions and inadequate compensation (Ofoegbu, 2004; Ojo et al., 2025). However, the negative emotions reveal that migration decisions are not purely rational economic choices but are mediated by profound attachments to family, community, and professional identity. While these findings align with aspects of push-pull theory (Lee, 1966), they also highlight its shortcomings, especially in addressing the emotional ambivalence and socially mediated processes that shape migration intentions.

The role of social media and peer networks in shaping these perceptions was particularly striking. Teachers reported that platforms like YouTube, WhatsApp, and LinkedIn exposed them to better working conditions abroad, kept relocation intentions alive through success stories, and in some cases, created pressure and restlessness. This finding extends existing knowledge by demonstrating how digital connectivity functions as a constant, personalized pull factor that demystifies migration processes and creates virtual communities of aspirants (Dekker & Engbersen, 2014; Oiarzabal & Reips, 2012). The “Escape Committee” WhatsApp group described by participants represents a novel form of collective migration planning enabled by digital technology, suggesting that the digital era has fundamentally transformed how migration intentions are formed and sustained.

Push factors shaping relocation intentions

The second objective aimed to identify the push factors driving teachers’ relocation intentions. The findings revealed an interconnected web of grievances with poor remuneration, lack of professional development, and poor working environment at its core. Teachers described salaries insufficient for basic needs, particularly considering Nigeria’s rising inflation following subsidy removal. One public school teacher’s language of “betrayal” and a private school teacher’s reference to her “unstable private school salary” during her husband’s ASUU strike illustrate how economic pressures are experienced not merely as dissatisfaction but as fundamental failures of the system to ensure survival and dignity.

These findings align with existing research documenting teacher motivation challenges in sub-Saharan Africa (Bennell & Akyeampong, 2007; Akyeampong, 2003) and specifically in Nigeria (Ofoegbu, 2004; Ojo et al., 2025). However, this study extends knowledge by revealing how these factors interconnect. Poor remuneration is not experienced in isolation but intersects with professional devaluation, as illustrated by the haunting account of teachers having to fund a deceased colleague’s burial. It was a moment one teacher described as seeing “service without dignity, even in death.” This finding suggests that economic push factors are amplified by a profound sense of professional disrespect that erodes teachers’ sense of worth and belonging.

The lack of PD emerged as a particularly significant push factor, with teachers describing no training, workshops, or in-service programs. This stagnation was thrown into sharp relief by exposure to teaching practices abroad through social media. When a teacher described attending a workshop facilitated by a Nigerian teaching in the UK who demonstrated VR technology, the gap between “what is possible and what I grapple with daily felt like an ocean.” This finding extends existing literature on teacher digital competence deficits in Nigeria (Ade-Ibijola & Okonkwo, 2023; Alasoluyi, 2021; Ogegbo, 2023) by showing how awareness of international standards through digital platforms transforms professional stagnation from a background frustration into an active push factor.

Private school teachers uniquely emphasized unrealistic demands from parents and school management, chronic stress, and burnout as push factors. This finding aligns with critiques of profit-driven private school practices that prioritize parental satisfaction over teacher welfare (Olajuwon, 2025). Also, it is consistent with evidence that market-oriented education systems often produce more precarious and insecure working conditions for teachers (Verger et al., 2016). The finding extends knowledge by showing how these pressures combine with other factors to create what one teacher described as a desire for “work-life balance” abroad. It is a concept notably absent from public school teachers’ narratives, who instead emphasized loss of community and rootedness.

Motivations and deterrents

The third objective explored the motivations pulling teachers toward relocation and the deterrents that moderate these intentions. Motivations mirrored push factors in positive form: better remuneration, professional development opportunities, access to teaching resources, family welfare, professional dignity, better work environment, and job security. This mirroring effect is theoretically consistent with push-pull theory (Lee, 1966), which posits that migration decisions involve negative factors in origin countries and corresponding positive factors in destination countries.

However, the prioritization of motivation revealed important subtleties. While financial reasons were universally important, professional development emerged as the top priority for most participants. These findings challenge simplistic narratives that frame teacher emigration primarily as a quest for higher salaries. Instead, it suggests that teachers are driven by a desire for meaningful career progression, professional growth, and the opportunity to work in environments where their skills can be effectively utilized. This aligns with research on teacher motivation that distinguishes between hygiene factors (salary, working conditions) and motivators (recognition, achievement, growth) (Oberländer et al., 2020; van Laar et al., 2020). The finding suggests that interventions aimed at retaining teachers must address not only material conditions but also PD and career pathways.

The deterrents identified separation from loved ones, fear of starting over, visa costs and processing, cultural adjustment concerns, and qualification recognition worries reveal why migration intentions do not always translate into action. These deterrents represent powerful emotional, social, and practical anchors that create mixed feelings or uncertainties even among teachers strongly motivated to leave. The fear that Nigerian teaching experience might not be valued abroad reflects legitimate concerns about qualification recognition that have been documented in migration literature (IOM, 2021). The emotional costs of leaving aging parents and children behind reveal the profound personal sacrifices migration entails, costs that economic models of migration often overlook.

Practical implications

The findings of this study carry several practical implications for policy, practice, and teacher development in Nigeria.

Limitations of the study, and suggestions for future research

This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. The sample size of 22 participants limits generalizability, and the focus on five states means findings may not represent secondary school teachers in regions not covered, particularly the Northwest and Northeast. The study also relied on self-reported intentions rather than observed migration behavior, and member checking was not feasible due to geographic dispersion. Future research could use a larger quantitative survey to establish prevalence or longitudinal tracking to see which deterrents prove most powerful in preventing relocation.